Background: Fred Oelßner was a member of the Politbüro
and responsible for the SED’s Propaganda Department at the time. It is
typical of a large number of speeches and resolutions on the SED’s part
on the necessity of improving propaganda.
The source: Über die allseitige Verbesserung
unserer politisch-ideologischen Massenarbeit. Diskussionsrede
auf dem IV. Parteitag der Sozialistischen Einheitspartei Deutschlands
(Berlin: Dietz Verlag, 1954).
On the General Improvement
of our Political-Ideological Work among the Masses
by Fred Oelßner
Comrades! Our party is strong because of its efforts to base
its entire activity on the scientific foundation of Marxist-Leninist
theory and undefeatable because of its unbreakable connection
to the working class and the other working people of our nation.
The ideological-political work has a central role in all of the
party’s activities. Propagandizing the ideas of Marxism-Leninism
and tirelessly explaining the policies of our party to the broad
masses are among the most important activities of the party.
it would be a big mistake and an idealistic deviation from Marxism
if we considered the propaganda and agitation of the party independent
of the party’s economic and political activities. The correct
political line is a necessary prerequisite for effective ideological-political
work with the masses, for the masses judge political parties
not by what they say, but what they do!
W.I. Lenin taught us how to win the masses for the party when
“Propaganda and agitation by themselves are not enough
to win the whole class, the broad masses of the workers oppressed
by capitalism. The masses need their own political experiences
We may never lose sight of this of this fundamental Leninist
principle. Agitation that contradicts the facts fails. Facts
are the best arguments. That does not mean that ideologic-political
work with the masses is secondary, but rather that propaganda and
agitation must always stand in close contact with the party’s
practical work. They must build firm consciousness on the basis
of the political experience of the masses.
The 15th Plenum of the Central Committee last July determined
the new course and drew the consequences of the Fascist Putsch
attempt in June. It set two primary political goals for the party:
To win the overwhelming majority of the working class;
To strengthen the alliance between the independent farmers
and the collective farmers.
These tasks are of particular significance for the political-ideological
work with the masses. They require not only a general and comprehensive
increase in our efforts, but also the use of new methods in our
work with the masses.
In the following eight months we have clearly improved our
work with the masses. That is particularly clear in the growing
number of political meetings. The figures:
- October: 2727
- November: 4267
- December: 5588
- January: 11,953
- February: 25,087
Growing numbers of leading party comrades speak at these meetings.
Comrade Kurt Seibt, First Secretary of Bezirk Potsdam, spoke
in 15 public meetings in January and February. Their quality
is also improving, Political questions are being increasingly
tied to concrete problems in factories and villages so that the
meetings advance our cause. An example. Nearly 1000 of the 12,000
workers attended a meeting at the Food Kombinat “Albert
Kuntz” in Wurzen. Thirty workers and administrators spoke
during the discussion. 34 of the best workers announced that
they had formed an activist collective, which has already made
44 proposals to improve production of foodstuffs. The success
was the result of careful preparation on the part of the party
leadership. But there are also bad examples. In Bezirk Cottbus,
for example, only 17% of communities held meetings. 24 of the
planned 54 meetings in February were canceled. The Halle and
Neubrandenburg Bezirke are also lagging behind in holding public
meetings. Comrade Steffen spoke today about the importance of
public meetings, and it is to be hoped that Bezirk Neubrandenburg
will remedy its failings in this area.
We have also made progress in the area of personal agitation.
Our comrades in the factories hold more personal conversations
with their colleagues, organize group meetings during breaks,
or read out loud important announcements from the newspapers.
Visiting workers at home, as is done by the comrades from the
Leuna factory or the coke plant in Lauchhammer, is also becoming
We have also made significant strides in agitation in the countryside,
as is evident in the county Sundays and the development of village newspapers.
Particularly significant is that some county party organizations in Leipzig
county have begun to appoint party members in the villages as regular
agitators. This follows an important suggestion by Lenin, who wrote of
“To visit the apartments of workers and the dwellings
of rural workers, as well as the isolated farm houses, to go
to the bars where the simple people gather, as well as to the
meetings of clubs, associations, and chance gatherings of ordinary
The type of agitation that the comrades in Leipzig county have begun
must be used in every village of the republic. In general we can say that
we have had some success in recent months with our agitation, which has
contributed to an improvement in the relations between our party and the
broad masses. Even those who are not party members increasingly believe
“The Socialist Unity Party of Germany is the party of
the working people that has no goal other than to represent the
interests of the working people!”
Our successes should not leave us overly pleased with ourselves,
however, since there are still many weaknesses. The main problem
is the sporadic character of our agitation campaigns. We have
still not learned how to carry on persistent, systematic educational
work among the masses. One problem is the fact that we have too
many campaigns going on at the same time or one after another,
so that the poor agitators often don’t know what they should
do first! The art of political leadership is concentrating energies
on several main tasks to win lasting successes.
A further important weakness in our agitation is that in some
places, notably in big factories, we are too bureaucratized.
That is evident when the party leadership does not provide relevant
material for agitators, but rather gives them so-called written arguments
that are often nothing more than badly condensed newspaper articles.
A comrade from the Eisenhüttenkombinat West explained how
this “works” at a recent agitator’s conference. We
don’t need to talk with people any more, he explained. We just
give them the arguments on paper so they can read them at home.
Of course, we do use printed material in our agitation. The factory
papers, which have generally improved, have an important role,
and party offices should use wall newspapers, short pamphlets
and leaflets much more than they do. However, written agitation
can never replace oral persuasion, which is and will remain the
main form of agitation. Party offices must constantly train and
lead agitators so than they learn how to draw arguments from
the newspapers, and see to it that they understand conditions
in the factories to help agitators learn to connect the larger
issues with what is going on in the factories. The most important
element in agitation is daily conversation between the party
and the workers. Our agitators (and all party members) must learn
to answer all the questions they get from their colleagues and
provide answers that convince the masses of the correctness
of our party’s policies.
Our agitation also is not yet tied closely enough to concrete matters
of production in the factories. Agitators often speak too generally about
political questions and fail to understand how to connect these to the
concrete production tasks, such as competition, the battle to increase
productivity, the improvement of discipline, and improved use of material.
This failure is particularly evident in visual agitation. In many factories
one sees slogans and bulletin boards that have been unchanged for years
and are therefore of necessity very general. Many factories, as for example
the “Fritz-Heckert” Factory in Karl-Marx-Stadt and the VEB “Horch”
in Zwickau still do not have bulletin boards honoring their best production
activists. Other factories have such bulletin boards, but the pictures
remain unchanged for months, as for example in the Buna Factory. The Frida-Hockauf
Movement has developed in many places during the past year. There are
thousands of Frida Hockaufs in our republic, but often the party leadership
itself does not know who the best activists in the factory are. For example,
the comrades in the Bezirk Halle office could not tell us who the best
activist in the shoe factory “Banner des Friedens” was, nor
could the editors of the Ostsee Zeitung tell us who the best
activist in the Fish Kombinat Saßnitz was. Party offices should
see to it that every factory has a bulletin board for the best activists,
and that it updates the board monthly. We can no longer neglect competition
and popularizing the best activists and their experiences, for it is one
of the most important tasks of political work with the masses.
These are only a few of the weaknesses in our agitation that
we must work to overcome. The most important step to take is
to systematically train and guide agitators. Such guidance requires
overcoming the still frequent underestimation of agitation by
some party offices.
One of the most important means of ideological-political work
with the masses is our press, which J.W. Stalin correctly
observed is the party’s strongest and sharpest weapon. The party
speaks to millions of people daily through its press, informing
them of its policies and increasing their socialist consciousness.
The newspaper is the most important instrument the party leadership
has to carry out its leading role. The significance of the press
cannot be overestimated.
At the same time, however, the press has another side to it
that is often overlooked or neglected by party offices and editorial
offices. The newspaper is one of the most important parts of
the daily life of the masses. “Man does not live by bread
alone.” Newspapers and books are as important to people
today as bread and meat. They are intellectual food. An important
element of our new course is to better satisfy, both in number
and quality, this need for intellectual nourishment. The needs
in our republic are enormous, as is shown by the growing circulations
of all of our newspapers and magazines, and even more by the
fact that we cannot entirely meet the demand either with regards
to our party press or even less so in the case of magazines like
Given this situation, it is simply incomprehensible why the
comrades of the State Planning Commission planned not an increase
in the print industry, but rather about an 8% decrease in paper production.
This does not seem to me consistent with the new course, and
a way must be found to correct this error.
At the 16th meeting of the Central Committee in September,
the Central Committee considered ways to improve our press and
made a series of concrete decisions. We have made considerable
progress. Editors are working to make our newspapers effective
mass organs which are written not only for party functionaries,
but also for the masses who are not party members. That is shown
by the increase in subscriptions by every party newspaper in
That by no way means, however, that we have already solved
the major assignments of the 16th Plenum. Our press still has
many weaknesses we must work hard to remedy.
The main weakness in the press is still the low quality and the simple
neglect of propaganda. Our writers often make absolutely basic errors.
For example, Der neue Tag in Frankfurt/Oder published an article
titled “Our People have Good Democratic Traditions” in its 2
October issue. It referred primarily to parliamentary activity, even including
the Frankfurt National Assembly of 1848 that Marx called the “United
Parliament of the Junkers and the Middle Class.” It praised it as
“our country’s first great show of will.” Das freie Wort in Suhl printed an article on 5 March titled “Why Can’t there be
Class Harmony in Villages?” The article claimed “Our goal is
that working farmers be the democratic forces exercising power in the
villages...” At the least, such a statement is likely to confuse
the question of power in the Republic and the class relationship between
workers and farmers. The Leipziger Volkszeitung made a fundamental
error in an article on 14 March titled “The Right-Wing SPD-Leaders
Main Hindrance to Understanding,” even though a memorandum
from the government of the German Democratic Republic of 30 January said
clearly that “the Treaties of Bonn and Paris rule out the possibility
of a reunified, peace-loving, and democratic Germany.”
One of the causes for such errors is that editorial staffs criminally
neglect propaganda, only rarely print propaganda articles, and do a poor
job of supporting the party training courses by writing about ideological
problems. Some newspapers seem positively allergic to printing theoretical
articles. The Ostsee-Zeitung in Rostock is a classic example.
The Institute for Social Sciences of the University of Rostock sent it
an essay about the necessity to eliminate the former government structure
according to Marxist theory. The editorial staff refused to publish it
not because they objected to the content, but rather as they wrote
on 24 February “because it deals only with certain theoretical
questions that are not appropriate for a daily newspaper.” Apparently
the comrades of the Ostsee-Zeitung are of the opinion that
since a daily newspaper has less room than a magazine, it should print
only short articles. Exactly the opposite seems the case to me, since
our newspapers also print some long theoretical articles that could be handled
in less space.
A major failing of our newspapers is that they have still
not learned how to fight certain false and enemy viewpoints that
are common among the people. Most newspapers avoid clear polemics.
When they do polemicize, it is mostly directed against American
imperialism or right-wing Social Democratic leaders in West Germany,
not against the representatives of false opinions in their own
Finally, I must say that we are only at the beginning stages
of realizing the 16th Plenum’s call to develop a true mass press.
Nearly all of our newspapers have made progress in this direction,
but much remains to be done. One example. The newspapers were
instructed to report regularly on the courts not only because
many people are interested, but also because we can thereby inform
our people about the activities of an important branch of our
democratic government. Several newspapers have made a good beginning,
but the organ of the Central Committee [Neues Deutschland
] itself has as yet done absolutely nothing to carry out this
If we seek the causes of these weaknesses, we find first the
inadequate training of our editors and the other work they are
called on to perform. Few editors have the time to participate
in the party training course or study on their own. Furthermore,
many or our editors are not capable of independent work. If they
encounter a problem they don’t work to solve it themselves, but rather
wait for instructions from “on high.” There is not
and cannot be, however, an office that relieves editors of the
obligation to think. The task of the Central Committee and the
party offices is to guide editors, to give them a general line,
but not to do their work for them.
Editors are responsible to put out a newspaper following the line of
the party and the instructions of the party leadership. To ensure that
they are in a position to do that, the party leadership must keep watch
to ensure that the editors can devote most of their time to editorial
work. Our party leadership sins greatly in this regard, however. It is
all too easy to give editors party assignments, since the newspaper will
appear somehow. A study showed that most chief editors of our Bezirk
newspapers are so burdened with other party work that they cannot give
the newspaper their full attention. Comrade Gropp, chief editor of the
Volkswacht in Gera, reports that only two to three days
a week are available for his editorial work, for example. And Comrade
Aulbach, chief editor of the Volksstimme in Karl-Marx-Stadt,
has only six to eight hours weekly. We cannot do things that way, comrades!
The party leadership must see to it that editors have the bulk of their
time for editorial work, and that they also have time to study.
That brings me to the party’s propaganda work. I must
begin by saying that although there have been clear successes
in recent months, propaganda remains the most backward area of
our ideological work.
Despite the tasks assigned by the 15th Plenum, we still have
not clarified to the party’s membership or the masses a number
of principal questions that are related to the party’s practical
work. Let me mention several.
The central task in the struggle to maintain peace and promote
the democratic reunification of Germany is the struggle against
the war treaties of Bonn and Paris, and the struggle against
a revival of German militarism. Our opponent is laying the ideological
foundations for his war plans by encouraging chauvinism and revanchism.
The chauvinistic incitement has found support in certain backward
sections of the German Democratic Republic. Criticisms of the
Oder-Neiße peace border have surfaced increasingly of late,
often including openly Nazi views (e.g., the Fascist lie of the
need for living space). The task of propaganda would be to put
its energy into the fight against chauvinism and revanchism,
on the basis of the line laid out by the party, in order to combat
the influence of the warmongers and educate the party and the
people in the spirit of proletarian internationalism and democratic
patriotism. This has to be in the forefront of our propaganda
Another question neglected by our propaganda is the character of worker
and farmer power and the alliance of the working class with the farmers
as a foundation of our state’s power. How else could it happen that a
certain part of the party underestimates the importance of independent
farmers? Some comrades thought only of the collective farmers and neglected
work among independent small and mid-sized farmers, as Comrade Steffen
from Neubrandenburg reported. The alliance of the working class with the
farmers is an essential question of Leninism. To neglect it means transforming
Leninism into social democracy. To loosen the alliance between the working
class and all farmers is to weaken the political foundations of our worker
and farmer power. That is why a lack of clarity in this question and the
resultant uncertainties in our position toward small and mid-sized farmers
is so dangerous. The Central Committee’s 15th and 17th plenums warned
explicitly against neglecting independent farmers. Comrade Ulbricht stressed
this yet again in his report. Still, our propagandists have not drawn
the proper conclusion.
A further weakness of our propaganda is that we have dealt
insufficiently with the concrete questions relating to our economic
growth, which need to be explained from a theoretical standpoint.
As a result, there are a number of uncertainties that lead to
mistakes in practice. I will give one example, which was also
referred to by Comrade Ulbricht in his report: the question of
norms. After the mistakes of the first half of last year, and
the resulting corrections, some confusion remains. As a result,
some factories are repeating the old mistake of “voluntary
increases in norms.” For example, the “Fritz-Heckert”
factory in Karl-Marx-Stadt has tried to get individual workers
to agree to a voluntary increase in their norms. The background
is as follows: The decision of last June on returning the norms
to the level of 1 April 1951 was not carried out. Instead, workers
received a bonus of as much as 35%. This bonus is now to be eliminated
by “voluntary norm increases.” The best brigades with
the highest productivity and responsibility are unhappy because
they receive reduced pay. The whole problem could have been avoided
if we had clarified the norm question in our propaganda by explaining
that “voluntary increases in norms” on the party of
individual workers or brigades contradicts the ability principle
that is the cornerstone of our whole pay system. It cannot be
the case that different norms for the same job exist in the same
factory, meaning that the better workers with greater productivity
get less pay than less effective workers with lower productivity.
Raising norms is permissible only when the requirements have
been established and the masses are convinced of the necessity
of the new norms, and when the new, technically supported norms
are introduced at the same time for all workers who do the same
It is high time that our propaganda turns to these and other
practical economic questions to contribute to the success of
the year of great initiatives.
A few remarks on the party training year. As Comrade Walter Ulbricht
observed, participation has worsened recently to about a quarter of members
and candidates. One cause is that many party offices, members and candidates
have used the principle of volunteerism in a way that allows them to “voluntarily”
avoid study. These comrades have forgotten that our party’s statutes obligate
each member and candidate “to steadily raise his political consciousness
and to master the foundations of Marxism-Leninism.” The party training
year gives members and candidates the best opportunity to fulfill their
party duty. Another reason for bad participation in the party training
year is the defective guidance and supervision of the groups by party
offices. Many party offices think they have done their duty merely by
registering the participants. For example, only 25 of the 400 workers
at the potash plant “Glückauf” in Sonderhausen participated
in the party training year. The Bezirk office in Erfurt noted the
fact and reported it to the Central Committee, but did not do anything
to change the situation. Three circles at the MTS
[machine tractor station] Nonnendorf in Jüterborg
county were not held because the leaders were sent to a party school,
but neither the party office nor the county office bothered to find replacements.
The primary reason, however, for low participation in the party training
year is that they are dull, spiritless, and boring. In places where the
circle leader knows how to make the theme interesting, and can relate
it to the tasks of the party group through lively discussion, circle attendance
is both good and regular. The main goal is the proper selection, training
and guidance of circle leaders. There has been clear improvement in the
involvement of leading functionaries in the circle work, particularly
in conducting seminars for propagandists. That is good. Still, at times
we cheat. Kyritz, Anklam, Röbeln, Malchin, and others counties, for
example, simply closed the county evening schools and used the students
as propagandists for circles and training seminars. These county offices
remind me of a tailor who cuts a piece from the front of a pair of trousers
to repair a problem in the rear. I do not think we should tolerate such
behavior in our party!
Another reason for the inadequate level of work in the party training
year is that propagandists and frequently members of the Department of
Propaganda and Agitation are overwhelmed by other party work. Members
of these offices in Leipzig, Gera and other areas tell us, for example,
that they have had no time in recent weeks to work on the party training
course, since they had to prepare for the delegate conferences. The neglect
of propaganda is showed by the Eberswalde county office, which promoted
the leader of the party cabinet in November 1953, and still has not found
his replacement. It is certainly a good thing to promote our propaganda
cadre, but it cannot occur in a way that we simply assign them to a new
job and do not worry about who will carry on their propaganda activities!
I do not want to suggest that everything in the party training year is
in bad shape. Where it functions effectively it brings the party success,
not infrequently direct improvements in its practical work. For example,
the entire work force of the Sawmill Rechenberg-Bienenmühle in Karl-Marx-Stadt
resolved as a result of the training year to fulfill its plan for the
first quarter early. The propaganda efforts in Brand-Erbishof county won
356 new members for the Society for German-Soviet Friendship between December
1953 and January 1954.
A relatively new branch of our propaganda is lecture propaganda. We already
have some successes in this field. The Bezirk offices have speaking
collectives that include from 35 to 130 speakers. The themes of the speeches
have increased significantly in number. In Bezirk Cottbus, 163
lectures were given in January and February, to an audience of 6329. However,
we are doing a poor job of reaching the countryside. Only 17 of the 163
were held in the countryside. The interest of the rural population in
good lectures is great. For example, two MTS [Machine
Tractor Station] lectures in Grimmen county, Bezirk
Rostock, drew 190 people. Bezirk Magdeburg also reports that
farmers want more lectures. Here is a untilled field that we must prepare
The main weakness of the lecture propaganda is that the themes
are still not broad enough. The natural sciences in particular
Before I leave the area of propaganda, I must speak about another area
that is neglected by nearly all party offices, although it is of great
political significance. I refer to literature. Certainly I could say critical
things about book production, but I do not have the time. However, publishing
books makes sense only when the books, pamphlets and magazines that we
put out actually reach the masses. The serious concerns the party leadership
expressed to the First Publishing Conference in May 1953 have been ignored.
Publishing has not shown significant improvements; indeed, it has sometimes
worsened. For example, sales of J.W. Stalin’s works have fallen since
the fifth volume. That is not because interest has decreased, but rather
because the Bezirke and particularly the counties have not put
much effort into promoting our publications. The serious political consequences
are clear when, for example, we consider comrade Mückenberger’s speech
at the 17th Plenum. This is an important speech that, along with the decisions
of the 17th Plenum, lays out our long term strategy in rural areas for
an extended period. Although work in rural areas is today in the foreground
of our program, the pamphlet from the 17th Plenum has sold only 150 copies
in Strausberg county, and 45 in Königs Wusterhausen county. No one
at the MTS Pätzsee had a copy, not even the party secretary or the
political leader. Nor did anyone know about the pamphlet at the “Aufbau”
collective farm or the people’s farm in Tippensee. How can comrades in
these villages carry out the decisions of the 17th Plenum when they have
no idea what they are? The party offices that view literature not as a
part of political work with the masses, but rather as a business question,
have the primary responsibility here. We must overcome this underestimation
of publications and do everything to get our economic and political literature
to the masses.
Comrades! In the time remaining, I can only deal with a few
matters relating to our political-ideological work with the masses.
I turn to several questions that seem to me cardinal issues in
our whole ideological work.
The primary task in every area of our ideological-political work with
the masses is to raise its level, to carry out truly scientific work,
to study thoroughly. That requires time. There is no point in talking
about increasing the scientific level if we do not make sufficient time
free. One cannot study the works of Marx, Engels, Lenin, and Stalin during
the lunch break or on the streetcar. Even less can one write a scientific
article between two meetings. The reality however is that many of our
functionaries have no time for study or to prepare their political work
with the masses. We have done some interesting studies of the schedules
of functionaries, which all reach the same conclusion. I have already
spoken about the chief editors. Comrade Labowski, party secretary at Bergmann-Borsig
in Berlin, reports that he spends an hour and a half late in the evening
preparing for the party training year. He reports that it takes until
Wednesday to get around to newspapers that he has not had time to read
since Sunday. That means that he directs the political work in the factory
for three days without knowing what is in the newspapers. On Wednesday
there was also a lively discussion with the secretaries of the lower party
units, who complained of overwork.
Comrade Rudolf said: “I may as well bring my bed into
the factory. I do everything I am supposed to, but I’m collapsing
under the strain. I haven’t been home on time for ten weeks.”
Comrade Jekschtat says: “It can’t go on like this. Every
night there is some sort of job to do. There are too many meetings.
I’m having problems with my wife.”
We have to take these complaints by our functionaries seriously.
Party offices cannot forget that our functionaries are also people
who have a right to relaxation and spare time. If the party requires
that they increase their knowledge of Marxism-Leninism, it must
also see to it that they have the time to study magazines and
What must we do to see to it that party work gets done, since
party work does have to get done and the tasks are not decreasing?
First, we must energetically fight against multifunctionalism. For example,
comrade Schubert in Zellendorf, Jüterborg county, is party secretary,
mayor, chairman of the National Front, and second secretary of the Society
for German-Soviet Friendship. One can hardly expect that he perform them
all well, much less find time to study. And he hardly has the record for
offices, as a report of the Central Review Committee demonstrates. We
must find new people. There are enough of them, comrades, splendid people
are out there. The delegate conferences have shown this.
Second, we must do something about both the number and length of meetings,
discussions, and appointments. We said that back at the 15th Plenum, but
not much has happened. Many functionaries spend most of their lives in
meetings. In Halle, the meeting of the Bezirk secretaries lasts
from 10 a.m. to 5 or 6 a.m. the next morning. Not much good can come of
such meetings. Matters are talked to death. Meetings, discussions, and
commissions have spread like the plague. Comrades run form meeting to
meeting, without having the time to gather their wits. We must put a stop
to it. We have eliminated other plagues, comrades. I think we can do something
about this one as well! If meetings are properly prepared, if no matters
are on the agenda that have not been thought about, if participants can
study the matters in advance, then the meetings will be shorter and more
productive. In short, the second task is to reduce meetings, deliberations,
etc., to the absolute minimum.
Third, we must reduce the avalanche of decisions, directives, instructions,
etc., both from the party and the state. Our party offices, from the Central
Committee on down, produce too many long decisions that no organization
and no comrade can digest. Comrade Labowski from Bergmann-Borsig, whom
I have already mentioned, asks when he has time to study the decisions
and orders. He points to a large stack and said “How can I deal with
them? And I have more at home!” The third task is to have fewer decisions,
shorter decisions, better decisions, but more practical supervision
of their execution.
Comrades! These are not small or insignificant problems! It is clear
that we are not raising the level of our ideological work because we lack
the time to study the scientific material that both undergirds our policies
and can help us to solve the practical problems we face.
We are in an excellent position to carry out a broad ideological offensive.
Our enemies are getting one blow after another because the peoples are
steadily realizing their criminal and warmongering nature and resisting
them. Thanks to the generous support of the Soviet Union, the German Democratic
Republic has defended its sovereignty. The broad masses daily see the
success of our new course in building the power of workers and farmers.
Our job is to increase our ideological-political work with the masses
in every area, and to use this favorable situation to develop the socialist
consciousness of the masses.
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