Background: This is the partial text of Hitlerís major speech
to the 1927 Nuremberg party rally. Hitler outlines the Nazi claim that
it provided not a political platform, but a political faith. Hitler claims
of Germany: “It wants a leadership in which it can believe, nothing
The source: Alfred Rosenberg and Wilhelm Weiß, Reichsparteitag
der NSDAP Nürnberg 19./21. August 1927 (Munich: Verlag Frz. Eher,
1927), pp. 38-45.
Adolf Hitlerís Speech
1927 Nuremberg Rally
Our fellow party member Rosenberg began his speech by saying
that it is critical for a nation that its territory correspond
to its population. As he put it so well: “The nation needs
space.” How well we know that the fulfillment of this sentence
has guided and determined the fate of our nation for many centuries.
We know further that, save for a relatively short period of German
history, we have not succeeded in the task. The question confronts
us today as insistently as ever: No government, of whatever kind,
can long escape dealing with it. Feeding a nation of 62 million
means not only maintaining our agricultural productivity, but
enlarging it to meet the needs of a growing population. This
is true in many areas. We National Socialists maintain that industrial
production is not the most important in terms of the future of
the European peoples. In coming decades it will be increasingly
difficult to increase production. It will reach a dead end as
the governments that presently do not pay great heed to industrial
production over time give themselves to industrialization.
These governments will not be able to meet their own needs
with their population. Difficulties in industrial production
will inevitably develop, made more serious because they will
affect not only one state, but a large number of states in Europe.
Increasing competition will naturally force these states to use
ever sharper weapons until one day the sharpest economic weapons
will give way to the sharpness of the sword; that is, when a
healthy nation faces the last either-or, and despite the greatest
diligence cannot withstand the competition, it will reach for
the sword because the question of life is always the problem
about which life turns. It is a question of power.
The first way to satisfy this need, the adjustment of territory
to population, is the most natural, healthy and long-lasting.
We must however conclude when considering this first or second
way that the foundation is power, always power. Power is also
a part of economic struggles. Power is the prerequisite to earth
and soil. We can see that today. Even the sorrowful effort to
adjust the population to the available territory by encouraging
the emigration of new generations requires power, even more today
as states hermetically seal themselves from the immigration of
uncomfortable elements. The more economic difficulties increase,
the more immigration will be seen as a burden. The so-called
workers’ states seal themselves off more than others as a way
of building a protective wall against cheap labor. The newcomer
after all must be either cheaper or better. Here, too, one comes
to the conclusion that maintaining this way of supporting the
population requires power.
When we examine the concept of power more closely, we see
that power has three factors: First, in the numerical size of
the population itself. This form of power is no longer present
62 million people who seem to hold together are no longer
a power factor in a world in which groups with 400 million are
increasingly active, nations for which their population is their
major tool of economic policy.
If numbers themselves are no longer a power factor, the second
factor is territory. This, too, is no longer a power factor for
us, even seeming laughable when one can fly across our German
territory in a mere four hours. That is no longer an amount of
territory that provides its own defense, as is the case with
Russia. Its size alone is a means of security. If the first two
sources of power, population, and territory, are inadequate, there
remains always the third, that which rests in the inner strength
of a people. A nation can do astounding things when it carries
this power in its own internal values. When, however, we examine
the German people, we must to our horror see that this last power
factor is no longer present.
What is the nature of a nationís internal power? Three things
are involved: First, a people has intrinsic value in its race.
That is the primal value. A people that has the best blood but
does not understand it, squandering it, receives no protection
from its intrinsic value. And the purity of blood means nothing
if the nation can be persuaded of the absurdity that its blood
is worthless. Such a deepest value can be present, but not recognized.
Individual people today are placed in large groups that no longer
enable them to see this value. To the contrary, their program
almost claims that there is no value in blood. They see race
as completely insignificant.
Second, internal power depends, aside from the value of blood,
on the abilities that such a nation still has. A nation cannot
be called impotent as long as it is able to produce the minds
that are necessary to solve the problems crying out for solution.
We can measure the greatness of a people by the minds it produces.
That, too, is a value, but only when it is recognized as a value.
If a nation has the ability to produce great minds a thousand
times over, but has no appreciation for the value of these minds
and excludes them from its political life, these great men are
of no use. It can therefore collapse, in the best case perhaps
passing on its inventions and ideas to the minds of other nations,
teaching these nations, but no longer is it a nation called to
The third value hidden within a nation is the drive to self
assertion. A people that has lost this has almost given up its
place in the world, in which each living creature owes its existence
only to the eternal striving to rise higher. If a nation today
proclaims the theory that it will find happiness in lasting peace,
and attempts to live according to that theory, it will one day
inevitably succumb to this most basic form of cowardice. Pacifism
is the clearest form of cowardice, possessing no willingness
to fight for anything at all.
The same person today who preaches limiting the number of
children to the nation murders others so that he himself may
He therefore eliminates the second form of intrinsic strength,
namely the possibility of producing more minds at all. A people
that limits the number of its children cannot demand of fate
that it give it great minds from the few children who are born.
More likely, such a people will hatch the most unworthy offspring
and will attempt to preserve them at any price. Such a nation
has first born, but no longer any great men.
Truly these three points that form the intrinsic strength
of a people are no longer regarded in Germany. The opposite.
As I have said, today one places no value on our blood, on the
intrinsic value of our race, but rather apostles proclaim that it
is completely irrelevant whether one is Chinese, Kaffir, or Indian.
If a nation internalizes such thinking, its own values are of
no use. It has renounced the protection of its values, for they
too must be protected and encouraged. A people that sees its
blood as worthless cannot possess the intrinsic will to withstand
the competitive struggles of this world. It needs no great minds,
does not even want them any more. It will inevitably believe
that all people are equal in terms of blood, and will no longer
have a need to rise above the others. That is why one needs great
minds. It will no longer desire to rise, and that is why one
needs great spirits. Since such peoples no longer value their
race and see themselves as the same as everyone else, and no
longer feel the inner need for happiness or great men, they can
no longer struggle, nor do they desire to.
That leads to what the large parties proclaim, namely to a
nation that thinks internationally, follows the path of democracy,
rejects struggle, and preaches pacifism. A people that has accepted
these three human burdens, that has given up its racial values,
preaches internationalism, that limits its great minds, and has
replaced them with the majority, that is inability in all areas,
rejecting the individual mind and praising human brotherhood,
such a people has lost its intrinsic values. Such a people is
incapable of policies that could bring a rising population in
line with its territory, or better said: adjust the territory
to the population.
Our party comrade says one must give the people territory.
In Germany, unfortunately, we must first give the territory a
people. We see before us today Marxist masses, no longer a German
All this would be in vain if the fundamental values were not
there. The only thing we may be proud of is this: We have this
value, we have our blood-building value, the best proof of which
is the great men of world history over the millennia. We have
this value of race and personality. We have a third value: a
sense of battle. It is there, it is only buried under a pile
of foreign doctrines. A large and strong party is attempting
to prove the opposite, until suddenly an ordinary military band
begins to play. Then the sleeper awakes from his dreams and begins
to feel himself a member of a people that is on the march, and
he marches along. That is how it is today. We only need to show
our people the better way. They see: we are marching already!
The German people will come to a knowledge of their intrinsic
values when the systematic organized poisoning of their values
is replaced by their systematic organized defense.
That large international world power infects a part of the
people with the ideas of pacifism to weaken their resistance,
and uses another part to attack.
When the German pacifist feels threatened in his practical
political activity, he can suddenly become an anti-pacifist,
but only against an opponent of his political thinking. He can
even reach for bloody weapons. But he calls the battle for the
life of the entire nation murder!
This large international power organizes its terror groups
by appealing to their lower instincts, but also reduces their
potential resistance through intellectual influence. The German
people have split in two as a result. In a masterful way, Hitler
showed how the split between thinking and action in the politically-minded
German citizen or politician leads him to become a democrat,
although he knows that the fate of the world is never determined
by majorities. This dear German citizen knows that for 1900 years
after Christ and for many thousand years before Christís birth,
the world was changed by men, but he now suddenly believes that
history is made by the German National Partyís Reichstag delegation,
which finds the greatest wisdom in the majority principle. In
so far as the political citizen has accepted this principle,
he has practically given up all hope of victory. The majority,
that is cowardice, is for him decisive. Inability, limited wisdom.
In theory the majority decides, but in reality it is the international
Jew that stands behind it.
We deceive ourselves if we believe that the people want to
be governed by majorities. No, you do not know the people. This
people does not wish to lose itself in “majorities.”
It does not wish to be involved in great plans. It wants a leadership
in which it can believe, nothing more.
The bourgeois world can no longer master these problems. It
does not wish for the elimination of the burdens that weaken
our people, The burdens that weaken us are in reality the cause
of the success of those powers that Rosenberg calls the world
power without a territory. Consider the following facts:
62 million people have an impossible amount of land. There
are 20 million “too many.” This nation cannot survive
in the long term. It must find a way out, which lies neither
in the size of its population nor the amount of its territory.
Divided in its energies, it must become the victim of those we
all know to be our masters. Can that change in the coming years?
That is the task of our movement. We are not burdened with the vast and
wise experiences of other politicians. We entered political life as soldiers
who served at the front while we were overcome by miserable little scum
at home. That was our first motivation to enter politics. Nor could we
accept the idea that things were as they were, and that we had to adjust
to reality. Hitler then brilliantly described the feelings of front soldiers
to conditions in the homeland.
There was one place in Germany where there were no class divisions. That
was in the companies at the front. There were no middle class or proletarian
units, only the company. That was all.
There had to be a way to build this unity at home, and this was clear
to them. Why was it possible at the front? Because of the enemy! Because
one knew the danger that one faced. If I am to build unity among the people,
I must first find a new front, a common enemy so that everyone knows:
We must be united, because this enemy is the enemy of us all. If we are
not united, the entire German people will sink into the abyss.
It was necessary to make clear the relationship of the individual
to his people. It first had to be made clear why he had to feel
that relationship. It was the feeling of honor that said to the
individual: I am a member of a people of a certain level, and
it would be shameful for me to aid in this peopleís downfall.
It would be a break in the holiest solidarity with the members
of my own blood.
As I watched the procession today, I thought: Is it not wonderful
to have thousands of men who grew through struggle, who matured
in it. It is not the outward patriotism of middle class citizens.
We want to put an end to this silly squandering of the values
of blood. We want to plant responsibility in the people and put
an end to the nonsense that leads our people to spill their blood
for fantasies or romantic dreams. We want to teach our people
one thing: Take care that your children do not starve.
If someone says to you that you are an imperialist, ask him:
You do not want to be one? If you say no, then you may never
be a father, for he who has a child must always worry about his
daily bread. But if you provide his daily bread, then you are
Our goal must be to form a kernel that will steadily grow,
winning energy and strength for the great goal. To whom heaven
has given the majority of decisiveness, it has also given the
right to rule.
Our entire struggle is a battle for the soul of our people. It is further
a structure, a structure consisting of those minds who are the bearers
of our worldview and who will be the foundation of the new state. In November
1918 the old colors were lowered. These colors have however for us a special
significance, not because they were the symbol of the former state, but
because they flew before us during four and a half years of battle. One
does not soil that for which one has fought for four and one half years.
In doing so, one soils only his own honor. When democracy lowered the
old colors it did not soil the lasting fame of the German army, but rather
established an eternal monument to its own shame, a monument that will
live longer than this state. One can lower the colors, but one can not
destroy the content of four and one half years, it is an historical fact.
The Republic chose its own colors. With bitter pain we saw it reach impotently
into an earlier period of German history for its colors. Today it is clear
that the Republic could not succeed even in winning the general respect
of its citizens for these colors. Today it only suggests that these colors
were once really quite respectable.
Believe me, if it was possible to set aside the colors of
the most glorious war in our peopleís history by the stroke of
a pen, I admire the faith of those in the present government
who believe that the colors of the current German republic will
last for eternity.
Hitler discussed the fact that the German people today lack
a national flag. One has never considered the flag of the leading
group of the time to be the symbol of the nation. There is no
symbol today that represents the whole people. The order to see
the flag as such a symbol cannot succeed. One thing however is
clear: A movement today in Germany that fights for the renewal
of the people must give its own symbol to this effort, and that
is why we have chosen a new flag that is the symbol of the coming
new German Reich: a symbol of national strength and power joined
with the purity of the blood.
Our goal is for this flag to increasingly lose its character
as a party flag and grow to be the German flag of the future.
We see this flag is inextricably bound to the renewal of the
nation. May these colors be a witness of how the German people
broke its chains of slavery and won freedom. On that day this
flag will be the German national flag.
Today you see thousands behind this flag. Seven years ago
there was no one. All these people marched past us today under
this flag with enthusiasm and glowing eyes because they see in
these colors the struggle for the freedom of our people.
With one accord, the whole enormous gathering rose to its feet and greeted
Hitlerís final words with thousands of outstretched hands: sentences of
brilliant force and majesty, a holy oath of all National Socialists as
this Reich party rally were met with constant thundering shouts of “Heil,”
rendering some of the words unintelligible. Hitler said:
We National Socialists therefore make the holy promise never
to rest in raising the honor of this flag, making it our symbol
of self discipline, obedience, and order. Let it be to us a symbol
of eternal struggle. We see in this flag the victorious sign
of freedom and the purity of our blood. We want this flag to
be a symbol of salvation, a sign that faith in these great possessions
is alive in our people. May in the coming years a party rally
occur at which five times as many people march, even if their
sacrifice is still greater than ever before!
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