Background: Hitler delivered this speech on 30 January
1937, the anniversary of the Nazi takeover of power in 1933, and always
the occasion for a major Hitler speech.
The source: This is taken from a German translation
published by H. Müller & Sohn in Berlin. I’ve Americanized the
British spellings in the original.
ON NATIONAL SOCIALISM AND WORLD RELATIONS
SPEECH DELIVERED IN THE GERMAN REICHSTAG ON JANUARY
by Adolf Hitler
FÜHRER AND CHANCELLOR
This session of the Reichstag takes place on a date which is full of
significance for the German people. Four years have passed since the beginning
of that great internal revolution which in the meantime has been giving
a new aspect to German life. This is the period of four years which I
asked the German people to grant me for the purpose of putting my work
to the test and submitting it to their judgment. Hence at the present
moment nothing could be more opportune than for me to render you an account
of all the successes that have been achieved and the progress that has
been made during these four years, for the welfare of the German people.
But within the limits of the short statement I have to make it would be
entirely impossible to enumerate all the remarkable results that have
been reached during a time which may be looked upon as probably the most
astounding epoch in the life of our people. That task belongs rather to
the press and the propaganda. Moreover, during the course of the present
year there will be an Exposition here in Berlin which is being organized
for the purpose of giving a more comprehensive and detailed picture of
the works that have been completed, the results that have been obtained
and the projects on which work has been begun, all of which can be explained
better in this way than I could do it within the limits of an address
that is to last for two hours. Therefore I shall utilize the opportunity
afforded me by this historic meeting of the Reichstag to cast a glance
back over the past four years and call attention to some of the new knowledge
that we have gained, some of the experiences which we have been through,
and the consequences that have resulted therefromin so far as there
have a general validity. It is important that we should understand them
clearly, not only for our own sake but also for that of the generations
Having done this, I shall pass on to explain our attitude
towards those problems and tasks whose importance for us and
for the world around us must be appreciated before it will be
possible to live in better relations with one another. Finally
I should like to describe as briefly as possible the projects
which I have before my mind for our work in the near future and
indeed in the distant future also.
At the time when I used to go here and there throughout the
country, simply as a public speaker, people from the bourgeois
classes used to ask me why we believed that a revolution would
be necessary, instead of working within the framework of the
established political order and with the collaboration of the
parties already in existence, for the purpose of improving those
conditions which we considered unsound and injurious. Why must
be have a new party, and especially why a new revolution?
The answer which I then gave may be stated under the following
(1) The elements of confusion and dissolution which are making
themselves felt in German life, in the concept of life itself
and the will to national self-preservation, cannot be eradicated
by a mere change of government. More than enough of those changes
have already taken place without bringing about any essential
betterment of the distress that exists in Germany. All these
Cabinet reconstructions brought some positive advantage only
to the actors who took part in the play; but the results were
almost always quite negative as far as the interests of the people
were concerned. As time has gone on the thought and practical
life of our people have been led astray into ways that are unnatural
to them and injurious. One of the causes which brought about
this condition of affairs must be attributed to the fact that
the structure of our State and our methods of government were
foreign to our own national character, our historical development
and our national needs.
The parliamentary-democratic system is inseparable from the
other symptoms of the time. A critical situation cannot be remedied
by collaborating with the causes of it but by a radical extermination
of these causes. Hence under such conditions the political struggle
must necessarily take the form of a revolution.
(2) It is out of the question to think that such a revolutionary
reconstruction could be carried out by those who are the custodians
and the more or less responsible representatives of the old regime,
or by the political organizations founded under the old form
of the Constitution. Nor would it be possible to bring this about
by collaborating with these institutions, but only by establishing
a new movement which will fight against them for the purpose
of carrying through a radical reformation in political, cultural
and economic life. And this fight will have to be undertaken
even at the sacrifice of life and blood, if that should be necessary.
In this connection it is worthy of remark that when the average
political party wins a parliamentary victory no essential change
takes place in the historical course which the people are following
or in the outer aspect of public life; whereas a genuine revolution
that arises from a profound ideological insight will always lead
to a transformation which is strikingly impressive and is manifest
to the outside world.
Surely nobody will doubt the fact that during the last four
years a revolution of the most momentous character has passed
like a storm over Germany. Who could compare this new Germany
with that which existed on the 30th. of January four years ago,
when I took my oath of loyalty before the venerable President
of the Reich?
I am speaking of a National Socialist Revolution; but this
revolutionary process in Germany had a particular character of
its own, which may have been the reason why the outside world
and so many of our fellow-countrymen failed to understand the
profound nature of the transformation that took place. I do not
deny that this peculiar feature, which has been for us the most
outstanding characteristic of the lines along which the National
Socialist Revolution took placea feature which we can be specially
proud ofhas hindered rather than helped to make this unique
historic event understood abroad and among some of our own people.
For the National Socialist Revolution was in itself a revolution
in the revolutionary tradition.
What I mean is this: Throughout thousands of years the conviction
grew up and prevailed, not so much in the German mind as in the
minds of the contemporary world, that bloodshed and the extermination
of those hitherto in powertogether with the destruction of
public and private institutions and propertywere essential
characteristics of every true revolution. Mankind in general
has grown accustomed to accept revolutions with all these consequences
somehow or other as if they were legal happenings. I do not mean
that people endorse all this tumultuous destruction of life and
property; but they certainly accept it as the necessary accompaniment
of events which, because of this very reason, are called revolutions.
Herein lies the difference between the National Socialist
Revolution and other revolutions, with the exception of the Fascist
Revolution in Italy. The National Socialist Revolution was almost
entirely a bloodless proceeding. When the party took over power
in Germany, after overthrowing the very formidable obstacles
that had stood in its way, it did so without causing any damage
whatsoever to property. I can say with a certain amount of pride
that this was the first revolution in which not even a window-pane
don’t misunderstand me however. If this revolution was bloodless
that was not because we were not manly enough to look at blood.
I was a soldier for more than four years in a war where more blood was
shed than ever before throughout human history. I never lost my nerve,
no matter what the situation was and no matter what sights I had to face.
The same holds good for my party colleagues. But we did not consider it
as part of the program of the National Socialist Revolution to destroy
human life or material goods, but rather to build up a new and better
life. And it is the greatest source of pride to us that we have been able
to carry through this revolution, which is certainly the greatest revolution
ever experienced in the history of our people, with a minimum of loss
and sacrifice. Only in those cases where the murderous lust of the Bolsheviks,
even after the 30th of January, 1933, led them to think that by the use
of brute force they could prevent the success and realization of the National
Socialist idealonly then did we answer violence with violence, and
naturally we did it promptly. Certain other individuals of a naturally
undisciplined temperament, and who had no political consciousness whatsoever,
had to be taken into protective custody; but, generally speaking, these
individuals were given their freedom after a short period. Beyond this
there was a small number who took part in politics only for the purpose
of establishing an alibi for their criminal activities, which were proved
by the numerous sentences to prison and penal servitude that had been
passed upon them previously. We prevented such individuals from pursuing
their destructive careers, inasmuch as we set them to do some useful work,
probably for the first time in their lives.
I do not know if there ever has been a resolution which was
of such a profound character as the National Socialist Revolution
and which at the same time allowed innumerable persons who had
been prominent in political circles under the former regime to
follow their respective callings in private life peacefully and
without causing them any worry. Not only that, but even many
among our bitterest enemies, some of whom had occupied the highest
positions in the government, were allowed to enjoy their regular
emoluments and pensions.
That is what we did. But this policy did not always help our reputation
abroad. Just a few months ago we had an experience with some very honorable
British world-citizens who considered themselves obliged to address a
protest to me because I had some criminal protégés of the
Moscow regime interned in a German concentration camp. Perhaps it is because
I am not very well informed on current affairs that I have not heard whether
those honorable gentlemen have ever expressed their indignation at the
various acts of sanguinary violence which these Moscow criminals committed
in Germany, or whether they ever expressed themselves against the slogan:
“Strike down and kill the Fascist wherever you meet him”, or
whether, for example, they have taken the occasion of recent happenings
in Spain to express their indignation against slaughtering and violating
and burning to death thousands upon thousands of men, women and children.
If the revolution in Germany had taken place according to the democratic
model in Spain these strange apostles of non-intervention abroad would
probably find that there was nothing which they need to worry about. People
closely acquainted with the state of affairs in Spain have assured us
that if we place the number of persons who have been slaughtered in this
bestial way at 170.000, the figure will probably be too low rather than
too high. Measured by the achievements of the noble democratic revolutionaries
in Spain, the quota of human beings allotted for slaughter to the National
Socialist Revolution would have been about 400.000 or 500.000; because
our population is about three times larger than that of Spain. That we
did not carry out this mass-slaughter is apparently looked on as a piece
of negligence on our part. We see that the democratic world-citizens are
by no means gracious in their criticism of this leniency.
We certainly had the power in our hands to do what has been done in Spain.
And probably we had better nerves than the murderer who steals upon his
victim unawares, shunning the open fight, and who is capable only of murdering
defenseless [sic] hostages. We have been soldiers and we never flinched
in the face of battle throughout that most gruesome war of all times.
Our hearts and, I may also add, our sound common sense saved us from committing
any acts like those which have been done in Spain.
Taking it all in all, fewer lives were sacrificed in the National
Socialist Revolution than the number of National Socialist followers
who were murdered in Germany by our Bolshevik opponents in the
year 1932 alone, when there was no revolution.
This absence of bloodshed and destruction was made possible solely because
we had adopted a principle which not only guided our conduct in the past
but which we shall also never forget in the future. This principle was
that the purpose of a revolution, or of any general change in the condition
of public affairs, cannot be to produce chaos but only to replace what
is bad by substituting something better. In such cases, however, something
better must be ready at hand. On the 30th. of January four years ago,
when the venerable President of the Reich sent for me and entrusted me
with the task of forming a new Cabinet, we had already come through a
strenuous struggle in our efforts to obtain supreme political control
over the State. All the means employed in carrying on that struggle were
strictly within the law as it then stood and the protagonists in the fight
were the National Socialists. Before the new State could be actually established
and promulgated, the idea of it and the model for its organization had
already existed within the framework of our party. All the fundamental
principles on which the new Reich was to be constructed were the principles
and ideas already embodied in the National Socialist Party.
As a result of the constitutional struggle to win over our
German fellow-countrymen to our side the party had established
its predominance in the Reichstag and for a whole year before
it actually assumed power it already had the right to demand
this power for itself, even according to the principles of the
parliamentary-democratic system. But it was essential for the
National Socialist Revolution that this party should put forward
demands which of themselves would involve a real revolutionary
change in the principles and institutions of government hitherto
When certain individuals who were blind to the actual state
of affairs thought that they could refuse to submit to the practical
application of the principles of the movement which had been
entrusted with the government of the Reich, then, but not until
then, the party used an iron hand to make these illegal disturbers
of the peace bend their stubborn necks before the laws of the
new National Socialist Reich and Government.
With this act the National Socialist Revolution came to an
end. For as soon as the party had taken over power, and this
new condition of affairs was consolidated, I looked upon it as
a matter of course that the Revolution should be transformed
into an evolution.
The new development which now set in, however, meant that
there had to be a new orientation not merely of our ideas but
also in regard to the practical policy which we had to carry
out. Even today certain individuals who have fallen in the march
of events refuse to adapt themselves to this change. They cannot
understand it because it is beyond their mental horizon or outside
the sphere of their egotistic interests. Our National Socialist
teaching has undoubtedly a revolutionizing effect in many spheres
of life and has interfered and acted under the revolutionary
The main plank in the National Socialist program is to abolish the liberalistic
concept of the individual and the Marxist concept of humanity and to substitute
therefore the folk community, rooted in the soil and bound together by
the bond of its common blood. A very simple statement; but it involves
a principle that has tremendous consequences.
This is probably the first time and this is the first country
in which people are being taught to realize that, of all the
tasks which we have to face, the noblest and most sacred for
mankind is that each racial species must preserve the purity
of the blood which God has given it.
And thus it happens that for the first time it is now possible for men
to use their God-given faculties of perception and insight in the understanding
of those problems which are of more momentous importance for the preservation
of human existence than all the victories that may be won on the battlefield
or the successes that may be obtained through economic efforts. The greatest
revolution which National Socialism has brought about is that it has rent
asunder the veil which hid from us the knowledge that all human failures
and mistakes are due to the conditions of the time and therefore can be
remedied, but that there is one error which cannot be remedied once men
have made it, namely the failure to recognize the importance of conserving
the blood and the race free from intermixture and thereby the racial aspect
and character which are Godís gift and Godís handiwork. It is not for
men to discuss the question of why Providence created different races,
but rather to recognize the fact that it punishes those who disregard
its work of creation.
Unspeakable suffering and misery have come upon mankind because
they lost this instinct which was grounded in a profound intuition;
and this loss was caused by a wrong and lopsided education of
the intellect. Among our people there are millions and millions
of persons living today for whom this law has become clear and
intelligible. What individual seers and the still unspoiled natures
of our forefathers saw by direct perception has now become a
subject of scientific research in Germany. And I can prophesy
here that, just as the knowledge that the earth moves around
the sun led to a revolutionary alternation in the general world-picture,
so the blood-and-race doctrine of the National Socialist Movement
will bring about a revolutionary change in our knowledge and
therewith a radical reconstruction of the picture which human
history gives us of the past and will also change the course
of that history in the future.
And this will not lead to an estrangement between the nations;
but, on the contrary, it will bring about for the first time
a real understanding of one another. At the same time, however,
it will prevent the Jewish people from intruding themselves among
all the other nations as elements of internal disruption, under
the mask of honest world-citizens, and thus gaining power over
We feel convinced that the consequences of this really revolutionizing
vision of truth will bring about a radical transformation in German life.
For the first time in our history, The German people have found the way
to a higher unity than they ever had before; and that is due to the compelling
attraction of this inner feeling. Innumerable prejudices have been broken
down, many barriers have been overthrown as unreasonable, evil traditions
have been wiped out and antiquated symbols shown to be meaningless. From
that chaos of disunion which had been caused by tribal, dynastic, philosophical,
religious and political strife, the German nation has arisen and has unfurled
the banner of a reunion which symbolically announces, not a political
triumph, but the triumph of the racial principle. For the past four-and-a-half
years German legislation has upheld and enforced this idea. Just as on
January 30th, 1933, a state of affairs already in existence was legalized
by the fact that I was entrusted with the chancellorship, whereby the
party whose supremacy in Germany had then become unquestionable was not
authorized to take over the government of the Reich and mould the future
destiny of Germany; so this German legislation that has been in force
for the past four years was only the legal sanction which gave jurisdiction
and binding force to an idea that had already been clearly formulated
and promulgated by the party.
When the German community, based on the racial blood-bond, became realized
in the German State we all felt that this would remain one of the finest
moments to be remembered during our lives. Like a blast of springtime
it passed over Germany four years ago. The fighting forces of our movement
who for many years had defended the banner of the Hooked Cross against
the superior forces of the enemy, and had carried it steadily forward
for a long fourteen years, now planted it firmly in the soil of the new
Within a few weeks the political debris and the social prejudices
which had been accumulating through a thousand years of German
history were removed and cleared away.
May we not speak of a revolution when the chaotic conditions
brought about by parliamentary-democracy disappear in less than
three months and a regime of order and discipline takes their
place, and a new energy springs forth from a firmly welded unity
and a comprehensive authoritative power such as Germany never
So great was the Revolution that its intellectual foundations
are not even yet understood but are superficially criticized
by our contemporaries. They talk of democracies and dictatorships;
but they fail to grasp the fact that in this country a radical
transformation has taken place and has produced results which
are democratic in the highest sense of the word, if democracy
has any meaning at all.
With infallible certainty we are steering towards an order of things
in which a process of selection will become active in the political leadership
of the nation, as it exists throughout the whole of life in general. By
this process of selection, which will follow the laws of Nature and the
dictates of human reason, those among our people who show the greatest
natural ability will be appointed to positions in the political leadership
of the nation. In making this selection no consideration will be given
to birth or ancestry, name or wealth, but only to the question of whether
or not the candidate has a natural vocation for those higher positions
of leadership. That was a fine principle which the great Corsican enunciated
when he said that each one of his soldiers carried a marshalís baton in
the haversack. In this country that principle will have its political
counterpart. Is there a nobler or more excellent kind of Socialism and
is there a truer form of Democracy than this National Socialism which
is so organized that through it each one among the millions of German
boys is given the possibility of finding his way to the highest office
in the nation, should it please Providence to come to his aid.
And that is no theory. In the present National Socialist Germany
it is a reality that is considered by us all as a matter of course.
I myself, to whom the people have given their trust and who have
been called to be their leader, come from the people. All the
millions of German workers know that it is not a foreign dilettante
or an international revolutionary apostle who is at the head
of the Reich, but a German who has come from their own ranks.
And numerous people whose families belong to the peasantry
and working classes are now filling prominent positions in this
National Socialist State. Some of them actually hold the highest
offices in the leadership of the nation, as Cabinet Ministers,
Reichsstatthalter and Gauleiter. But National Socialism
always bears in mind the interests of the people as a whole and
not the interests of one class or another.
The National Socialist Revolution has not aimed at turning a privileged
class into a class which will have no rights in the future. Its aim has
been to grant equal rights to those social strata that hitherto were denied
such rights. We have not ruined millions of citizens by degrading them
to the level of enslaved workers. Our aim has been to educate slaves to
be German citizens. One thing will certainly be quite clear to every German;
and this is that revolutions as acts of terror can only be of short duration.
If revolutions are not able to produce something new they will end up
by devouring the whole of the national patrimony which existed before
them. From the assumption of power as an act of force the beneficial work
of peace must be promptly developed. But those who abolish classes for
the purpose of putting new classes in their place sow the seeds of new
revolutions. The bourgeois citizen who has the ruling power in his hands
today will become a proletarian if he is banished to Siberia tomorrow
and condemned to enforced lab our there. He will then yearn for his
day of deliverance, just as did the proletarian of former times, who now
thinks that his turn has come to play the despot. Therefore the National
Socialist Revolution never aimed at bringing in one class of the German
people and turning out another. One the contrary, our objective has been
to make it possible for the whole German people to work, not only in the
economic but also in the political field, and to guarantee this possibility
by organizing the various classes into one national unit.
The National Socialist Movement, however, limits its sphere
of internal activity to those individuals who belong to one people
and it refuses to allow the members of a foreign race to wield
an influence over our political, intellectual, or cultural life.
And we refuse to accord to the members of a foreign race any
predominant position in our national economic system.
In this folk-community, which is based on the bond of blood,
and in the results which National Socialism has obtained by making
the idea of this community understood among the public, lies
the most profound reason for the marvelous success of our Revolution.
Confronted with this new and vigorous ideal, all idols and relics of
the past which had been upheld by dynastic interests, tribal affiliations
and even party interests, now began to lose their glamour. That is why
the whole party system of former times completely collapsed in a few weeks,
without giving rise to the feeling that something had been lost. They
were superseded by a better ideal. A new movement took their place. A
reorganization of our people into a national unit that includes all those
whose lab our is productive simply pushed aside the old organizations
of employers and employees. The symbolic emblems of the recent past, which
was a period of disintegration and disability, were banished, notas
in 1918 or 1919through a resolution voted by a committee appointed
to invent a new symbol for the Reich, as if the choice were to depend
on the results of a prize competition. But all these old emblems were
now displaced by that flag which symbolized the militant period of the
National Socialist Movement and which was borne by us on the day of Germanyís
resurgence. Since that day it has become the consecrated symbol of his
national resurgence on land and sea and in the air.
There could be no more eloquent proof of how profoundly the
German people have understood the significance of this change
and new development than the manner in which the nation sanctioned
our regime at the polls on so many occasions during the years
that followed. So, of all those who like to point again and again
to the democratic form of government as the institution which
is based on the universal will of the people, in contrast to
dictatorships, nobody has a better right to speak in the name
of the people than I have.
Among the results of this phase of the German Revolution I
may enumerate the following:
(1) Since that time there is only one trustee of supreme power among
the German people and that trustee is the whole people itself.
(2) The will of the people finds its expression in the Party, which
is the political organization of the people.
(3) Therefore there is only one legislative body.
(4) There is only one executive authority.
Anyone who compares this state of affairs with the condition of Germany
before January 1933 will realize what a tremendous transformation is
indicated by these few short statements.
But this transformation is only a result that has followed from carrying
a fundamental axiom of the National Socialist doctrine into practical
effect. This axiom is that the only reasonable meaning and purpose of
all human thought and conduct cannot be to create or to maintain structures,
organizations or functions made by men, but only to preserve and develop
the innate character of the people itself; for Providence has given us
this character as the groundwork of all our constructive efforts. Through
the successful issue of the National Socialist Movement the people as
such was placed above any organization, construction or function, as the
sole element that is always there and will permanently abide.
The meaning and purpose which Providence had in mind when it created
the different races cannot be investigated by us, human beings, and no
theory about it can be laid down. But the meaning and purpose of human
organizations and of all human activities can be measured by asking what
value they are for the maintenance of the race or people, which is the
one existing element that must abide. The peoplethe raceis
the primary thing. Party, State, Army, the national economic structure,
Justice etc, all these are only secondary and accidental. They are only
the means to the end and the end is the preservation of this nation. These
public institutions are right and useful according to the measure in which
their energies are directed towards this task. If they are incapable of
fulfilling it, then their existence is harmful and they must either be
reformed or removed and replaced by something better.
It is absolutely necessary that this principle should be practically
recognized; for that is the only way in which men can be saved from becoming
the victims of a devitalized set of dogmas in a matter where dogmas are
entirely out of place, and from drawing dogmatic conclusions from the
consideration of ways and means, when the final purpose itself is the
only valid dogma.
All of you, gentlemen and members of the German Reichstag,
understand the meaning of what I have just said. But on this
occasion I am speaking to the whole German people and therefore
I should like to bring forward a few examples which show how
important these principles were proved to be when they were put
There are many people for whom this is the only way of explaining
why we talk of a Nationalist Socialist Revolution, though no
blood was shed and no property wrecked.
For a long time our ideas of law and justice had been developing
in a way that led to a state of general confusion. This was partly
due to the fact that we adopted ideas which were foreign to our
national character and also partly because the German mind itself
did not have any clear notion of what public justice meant. This
confusion was evidenced more strikingly by the lack of inner
clarity as to the function of law and justice.
There are two extreme poles which are characteristic of this
mental lack: -
(1) The opinion that the law as such is its own justification
and hence cannot be made the subject of any critical analysis
as to its utility, either in regard to its general principles
or its relation to particular problems. According to this notion,
the law would remain even though the world should disappear.
(2) The opinion that it is the main function of law to protect
and safeguard the life and property of the individual.
Between these two extreme poles the idea of defending the
larger interests of the community was introduced very timidly
and under the cloak of an appeal to reasons of state.
In contradistinction to all this, the National Socialist Revolution
has laid down a definite and unambiguous principle on which the
whole system of legislation, jurisprudence and administration
of justice must be founded.
It is the task of justice to collaborate in supporting and
protecting the people as a whole against those individuals who,
because they lack a social conscience, try to shirk the obligations
to which all the members of the community are subject, or directly
act against the interests of the community itself.
In the new German legal system which will be in force from
now onwards the nation is placed above persons and property.
The principle expressed in that brief statement and everything
it implies has led to the greatest reform ever introduced in
our German legal structure. The first decisive action taken in
accordance with the fundamental principle I have spoken of was
the setting up not only of one legislator but also of one executive.
The second measure is not yet ready but will be announced to
the nation within a few weeks.
In the German penal code, which has been drawn up with this
wide general perspective in view, German justice will be placed
for the first time on a basis which ensures that for all time
to come its duty will be to serve in maintaining the German race.
Although the chaos which we found before us in the various
branches of public life was very great indeed, the state of dissolution
into which German economic life had fallen was still greater.
And this was the feature of the German collapse that impressed
itself most strikingly on the minds of the broad masses of the
people. The conditions that then actually existed have still
remained in their memories and in the memory of the German people
as a whole. As outstanding examples of this catastrophe we found
these two phenomena:
(1) More than six millions of unemployed.
(2) An agricultural population that was manifestly doomed
The area covered by the German agricultural farms that were
on the point of being sold up by forced auction was as large
as the whole of Thuringia (more than 8.000 square miles).
In the natural course of events the falling off in production
on the one side and the decrease in purchasing power, on the
other, must necessarily bring about the disruption and annihilation
of the great mass of the middle class also. How seriously this
side of the German distress was then felt might subsequently
be measured by the fact that I had to ask for full owners for
the period of four years especially for the purpose of reducing
unemployment and putting a stop to the dissolution of the German
I may further state that in 1933 the National Socialists did
not interfere with any activities which were being carried out
by others and which at the same time promised success. The Party
was called to take over the government of the country at a moment
when the possibilities of redeeming the situation in any other
way had been exhausted and particularly when repeated attempts
to overcome the economic crisis had failed.
After four years from that date I now face the German people
and you, gentlemen and members of the Reichstag, to give an account
of what has been accomplished. On this occasion I do not think
you will withhold your sanction from what the National Socialist
Government has done and you will agree that I have fulfilled
the promises I made four years ago.
It was not an easy undertaking. I am not giving away any secrets
when I tell you that at that time the so-called economic experts
were convinced that the economic crisis could not be overcome.
In the face of this staggering situation which, as I have said,
appeared hopeless to the minds of the experts, I still believed
in the possibility of a German revival and particularly in the
possibility of an economic recovery. My belief was grounded on
(1) I have always had sympathy for those excited people who
invariably talk of the collapse of the nation whenever they find
themselves confronted with a difficult situation. What do they
mean by a collapse? The German people were already in existence
before they made any definite appearance in history as it is
known to us. Now, leaving out entirely what their pre-historic
experiences may have been, it is certain that during the past
two thousand years of history, through which that portion of
mankind which we call the German People has passed, unspeakable
miseries and catastrophes must have befallen them more than once.
Famines, wars and pestilences have overwhelmed our people and
wreaked terrible havoc among them. It must give rise to unlimited
faith in the vital resources of a nation when we recall the fact
that only a few centuries ago our German people, with a population
of more than eighteen millions, were reduced by the Thirty Years
War to less than four millions. Let us also remember that this
once flourishing land was pillaged, dismembered and devastated,
that its cities were burned down, its hamlets and villages laid
waste, that its fields were left uncultivated and barren. Some
ten years afterwards our people began again to increase in number.
The cities were rebuilt and began to be filled with a new life.
The fields were ploughed once more. Songs were heard along the
countryside, in concord with the rhythm of that work which brought
new life and livelihood to the people.
Let us look back over the development, or at least that part of it known
to us, through which our people have passed since those dim historic ages
down to the present time. We shall then recognize how puny is all the
fuss that these weakling fools make who immediately begin to talk about
the collapse of the economic structureand hence of human existencethe
first moment a piece of printed paper loses its face value somewhere in
the world. Germany and the German people have mastered many a grave catastrophe.
Of course, we must admit that the right men were always needed to formulate
the necessary measures and enforce them without paying any attention to
those negative persons who always think that they know more than others.
A bevy of parliamentarian weaklings are certainly not the kind of men
to lead a nation out of the slough of distress and despair. I firmly believed
and was solemnly convinced that the economic catastrophe would be mastered
in Germany as soon as the people could be got to believe in their own
immortality as a people and as soon as they realized that the aim and
purpose of all economic effort is to save and maintain the life of the
(2) I was not an economist, which means that I have never
been a theorist during my whole life.
But unfortunately I have observed that the worst theorists are always
busy in those quarters where theory has no place at all and where practical
life counts for everything. It goes without saying that in the economic
sphere and with the passing of time experience has given rise to the employment
of certain definite principles and also definite methods of work which
have been proved to be productive of good results. But all methods and
principles are subject to the time element. To make hard-and-fast dogmas
out of practical methods would deprive the human faculties and working
power of that elasticity which alone enables them to face changing demands
by changing the means of meeting them accordingly and thus mastering them.
There were many persons among us who busied themselves, with that perseverance
which is characteristic of the Germans, in an effort to formulate dogmas
from economic methods and then raise that dogmatic system to a branch
of our university curriculum, under the title of national economy. According
to the pronouncements issued by these national economists, Germany was
irrevocably lost. It is a characteristic of all dogmatists that they vigorously
reject any new dogma. In other words, they criticize any new piece of
knowledge that may be put forward and reject it as mere theory. For the
last eigtheen [sic] years we have been witnessing a rare spectacle. Our
economic dogmatists have been proved wrong in almost every branch of practical
life and yet they repudiate those who have actually overcome the economic
crisis, as propagators of false theories and damn them accordingly.
You all know the story of the doctor who told a patient that
he could live only for another six months. Ten years afterwards
the patient met the physician; but the only surprise which the
latter expressed at the recovery of the patient was to state
that the treatment which the second doctor gave the patient was
The German economic policy which National Socialism introduced
in 1933 is based on some fundamental considerations. In the relations
between economics and the people, the people alone is the only
unchangeable element. Economic activity in itself is no dogma
and never can be such.
There is no economic theory or opinion which can claim to
be considered as sacrosanct. The will to place the economic system
at the service of the people, and capital at the service of economics,
is the only thing that is of decisive importance here.
We know that National Socialism vigorously combats the opinion
which holds that the economic structure exists for the benefit
of capital and that the people are to be looked upon as subject
to the economic system. We were therefore determined from the
very beginning to exterminate the false notion that the economic
system could exist and operate entirely freely and entirely outside
of any control or supervision on the part of the State. Today
there can no longer be such a thing as an independent economic
system. That is to say, the economic system can no longer be
left to itself exclusively. And this is so, not only because
it is unallowable from the political point of view but also because,
in the purely economic sphere itself, the consequences would
It is out of the question that millions of individuals should
be allowed to work just as they like and merely to meet their
own needs; but it is just as impossible to allow the entire system
of economics to function according to the notions held exclusively
in economic circles and thus made to serve egotistic interests.
Then there is the further consideration that these economic circles
are not in a position to bear the responsibility for their own
failures. In its modern phase of the development, the economic
system concentrates enormous masses of workers in certain special
branches and in definite local areas. New inventions or a slump
in the market may destroy whole branches of industry at one blow.
The industrialist may close his factory gates. He may even
try to find a new field for his personal activities. In most
cases he will not be ruined so easily. Moreover, the industrialists
who have to suffer in such contingencies are only a small number
if individuals. But on the other side there are hundreds of thousands
of workers, with their wives and children. Who is to defend their
interests and care for them? The whole community of the people?
Indeed, it is its duty to do so. Therefore the whole community
cannot be made to bear the burden of economic disasters without
according it the right of influencing and controlling economic
life and thus avoiding catastrophes.
In the years 1932/33, when the German economic system seemed definitely
ruined, I recognized even more clearly than ever before that the salvation
of our people was not a financial problem. It was exclusively a problem
of how industrial lab our could best be employed on the one side and,
on the other, how our agricultural resources could be utilized.
This is first and foremost a problem of organization. Phrases,
such as the freedom of the economic system, for example, are
no help. What we have to do is use all available means at hand
to make production possible and open up fields of activity for
our working energies. If this can be successfully done by the
economic leaders themselves, that is to say by the industrialists,
then we are content.
But if they fail the folk-community, which in this case means
the State, is obliged to step in for the purpose of seeing that
the working energies of the nation are employed in such a way
that what they produce will be of use to the nation, and the
State will have to devise the necessary measures to assure this.
In this respect the State may do everything; but one thing it
cannot do-and this was the actual state of affairs we had to
face-is to allow 12.000 million working hours to be lost year
For the folk-community does not exist on the fictitious value
of money but on the results of productive labor, which is what
gives money its value.
This production, and not a bank or gold reserve, is the first
cover for a currency. And if I increase production I increase
the real income of my fellow-citizens. And if I reduce production
I reduce that income, no matter what wages are paid out.
Members of the Reichstag: Within the past four years we have
increased German production to an extraordinary degree in all
branches. And the whole German nation benefits by this increase.
For it there is a demand today for very many million tons of
coal more than formerly, this is not for the purpose of superheating
the houses of a few millionaires to a couple of thousand degrees,
but rather because millions of our German countrymen are thus
enabled to purchase more coal for themselves with their increased
By giving employment to millions of German workers who had
hitherto been idle, the National Socialist Revolution has brought
about such a gigantic increase in German production. That rise
in our total national income guarantees the market value of the
goods produced. And only in such cases where we could not increase
this production, owing to certain conditions that were beyond
our control, there have been shortages from time to time; but
these bear no proportion whatsoever to the general success of
the National Socialist struggle.
The four-year plan is the most striking manifestation of the systematic
way in which our economic life is being conducted. In particular this
plan will provide permanent employment in the internal circulation of
our economic life for those masses of German lab our that are now being
released from the armament industry.
One sign of the gigantic economic development which has taken
place is that in many industries today it is quite difficult
to find sufficient skilled workmen. I am thankful that this is
so; because it will help to place the importance of the worker
as a man and as a working force in its proper light; and also
because in doing sothough there are other motives alsowe
have a chance of making the activities of the party and its unions
better understood and thus securing stronger and more willing
Seeing that we insist on the national importance of the function which
our economic system fulfils, it naturally follows that the former disunion
between employer and employee can no longer exist. But the new State will
not and does not wish to assume the role of entrepreneur. It will regulate
the working strength of the nation only in so far as such regulation is
necessary for the common good. And it will supervise conditions and methods
of working only in so far as this is in the interests of all those engaged
in work. Under no circumstances will the State attempt to bureaucratize
economic life. The economic effects that follow from every real and practical
initiative benefit the people as a whole. At the present moment an inventor
or an economic organizer is of inestimable value to the folk community.
For the future the first task of National Socialist education will be
to make clear to all our fellow-citizens how their reciprocal worth must
be appreciated. We must point out to the one side how there can be no
substitute for the German worker and we must teach the German worker how
indispensable are the inventor and the genuine business leader. It is
quite clear that under the aegis of such an outlook on economic life,
strikes and lock-outs can no longer be tolerated. The National Socialists
State repudiates the right of economic coercion. Above all contracting
parties stand the economic interests of the nation, which are the interests
of the people.
The practical results of this economic policy of ours are
already known to you. Throughout the whole nation there is a
tremendous urge towards productive activity. Enormous works are
arising everywhere for the expansion of industry and traffic.
While in other countries strikes or lock-outs shatter the stability
of national production, our millions of productive workers obey
the highest of all laws that we have in this world, namely the
law of common sense.
Within these four years which have passed we have succeeded in bringing
about the economic redemption of our people; but we realize at the same
time that the results of this economic work in town and city must be safeguarded.
The first danger that threatens us here is in the sphere of cultural creativeness.
And that danger comes from those who are themselves active in that sphere.
For our fellow-countrymen who are engaged in artistic and cultural productivity
today, or are acting as custodians and trustees of cultural works, have
not the necessary intuitive faculties to value and appreciate the ideal
products of human genius in this sphere.
The National Socialist Movement has laid down the directive
lines along which the State must conduct the education of the
people. This education does not begin at a certain year and end
at another. The development of the human being makes it necessary
to take the child from the control of that small cell of social
life which is the family and entrust his further training to
the community itself.
The National Socialist Revolution has clearly outlined the
duties which this social education must fulfil and, above all,
it has made this education independent of the question of age.
In other words, the education of the individual can never end.
Therefore it is the duty of the folk-community to see that this
education and higher training must always be along lines that
help the community to fulfil its own task, which is the maintenance
of the race and nation.
For that reason we must insist that all organs of education which may
be useful for the instruction and training of the people have to fulfil
their duty towards the community. Such organs or organizations are: Education
of the Youth, Young Peoples Organization, Hitler Youth, Lab our Front,
Party and Armyall these are institutions for the education and higher
training of our people. The book press and the newspaper press, lectures
and art, the theatre and the cinema, they are all organs of popular education.
What the National Socialist Revolution has accomplished in
this sphere is astounding. Think only of the following:
The whole body of our German education, including the press,
the theatre, the cinema and literature, is being controlled and
shaped today by men and women of our own race. Some time ago
one often heard it said that if Jewry were expelled from these
institutions they would collapse or become deserted. And now
what has happened? In all those branches cultural and artistic
activities are flourishing. Our films are better than ever before
and our theatrical productions today in our leading theatres
stand supreme and alone in comparison with the rest of the world.
Our press has become a powerful instrument to help our people
in bringing their innate faculties to self-expression and assertion,
and by so doing it strengthens the nation. German science is
active and is producing results which will one day bear testimony
to the creative and constructive will of this epoch.
It is very remarkable how the German people have become immune from those
destructive tendencies under which another world is suffering. Many of
our organizations which were not understood at all a few years ago are
now accepted as a matter of course: the Young people, the Hitler Youth,
BDM., Womanhood, Lab our Service, SA, SS, NSKK, but above all the Lab
our Front in its magnificent departmentsthey are all building stones
in that proud edifice which we call The Third Reich.
This consolidation of the internal life of our German nation also establishes
a united front towards the outside world. I believe that it is here that
the National Socialist Revival has produced the most marvelous results.
Four years ago, when I was entrusted with the Chancellorship and therewith
the leadership of the nation, I took upon myself the bitter duty of
restoring the honour of a nation which for fifteen years had been forced
to live as a pariah among the other nations of the world. The internal
order which we created among the German people offered the conditions
necessary to reorganize the army and also made it possible for me to
throw off those shackles which we felt to be the deepest disgrace ever
branded on a people. Today I shall bring this whole matter to a close
by making the following few declarations:
First: The restoration of Germanyís equality of rights was
an event that concerned Germany alone. It was not the occasion
of taking anything from anybody or causing any suffering to anybody.
Second: I now state here that, in accordance with the restoration
of equality of rights, I shall divest the German Railways and
the Reichsbank of the forms under which they have hitherto functioned
and shall place them absolutely under the sovereign control of
the Government of the German Reich.
Third: I hereby declare that the section of the Versailles
Treaty which deprived our nation of the rights that it shared
on an equal footing with other nations and degraded it to the
level of an inferior people found its natural liquidation in
virtue of the restoration of equality of status.
Fourth: Above all, I solemnly withdraw the German signature from that
declaration which was extracted under duress from a weak government, acting
against its better judgment. [sic], namely the declaration that Germany
was responsible for the war.
Members of the German Reichstag: The revindication of the honour of
the German people, which was expressed outwardly in the restoration
of universal military service, the creation of a new air force, the
reconstruction of a German navy and the reoccupation of the Rhineland
by our troops, was the boldest task that I ever had to face and the
most difficult to accomplish.
Today I must humbly thank Providence, whose grace has enabled me, who
was once an unknown soldier in the War, to bring to a successful issue
the struggle for the restoration of our honor and rights as a nation.
I regret to say that it was not possible to carry through all the necessary
measures by way of negotiation. But at the same time it must be remembered
that the honor of a people cannot be bartered away; it can only be taken
away. And if it cannot be bartered away it cannot be restored through
barter; it must simply be taken back.
That I carried out the measures which were necessary for this purpose
without consulting our former enemies in each case, and even without informing
them, was due to my conviction that the way in which I chose to act would
make it easier for the other side to accept our decisions, for they would
have had to accept them in any case. I should like to add here that, at
all this has now been accomplished, the so-called period of surprises
has come to an end.
As a State which is now on an equal juridical footing with
all the other States, Germany is more conscious than ever that
she has a European task before here, which is to collaborate
loyally in getting rid of those problems that are the cause of
anxiety to ourselves and also to the other nations.
If I may state my views on those general questions that are of actual
importance today, the most effective way of doing so will be to refer
to the statements that were recently made by Mr. Eden in the British House
of Commons. For those statements also imply the essentials of what must
be said regarding Germanyís relations with France. At this point I should
like to express my sincere thanks for the opportunity which has been given
me by the outspoken and noteworthy declarations made by the British Foreign
I think I have read those statements carefully and have understood
them correctly. Of course, I do not want to get lost among the
details, and so I should like to single out the leading points
in Mr. Edenís speech, so as to clarify or answer them from my
In doing this, I shall first try to correct what seems to
me to be a most regrettable error. This error lay in assuming
that somehow or other Germany wishes to isolate herself and to
allow the events which happen in the rest of the world to pass
by without participating in them, or that she does not wish to
take any account whatsoever of the general necessities of the
What are the grounds for the assumption that Germany wants
to pursue a policy of isolation? If this a such an attitude, then the most than [sic] can be said is that
it has been forced to do so under the coercion of a foreign will
imposed upon it. Now, in the first place, I should like to assure
Mr. Eden that we Germans do not in the least want to be isolated
and that we do not at all feel ourselves isolated.
During recent years Germany has entered into quite a number
of political agreements with other States. She has resumed former
agreements and improved them. And I may say that she has established
close friendly relations with a number of States. Our relations
with most of the European States are normal from our standpoint
and we are on terms of close friendship with quite a number.
Among all those diplomatic connections I would give a special
place in the foreground to those excellent relations which we
have with those States that were liberated from sufferings similar
to those we had to endure and have consequently arrived at similar
Through a number of treaties which we have made, we have relieved
many strained relations and thereby made a substantial contribution
towards an improvement in European conditions. I need remind
you only of our agreement with Poland, which has turned out advantageous
for both countries, our agreement with Austria and the excellent
and close relations which we have established with Italy. Further,
I may refer to our friendly relations with Hungary, Yugoslavia,
Bulgaria, Greece, Portugal, Spain etc. Finally, I may mention
our cordial relations with a whole series of nations outside
The agreement which Germany has made with Japan for combating the movement
directed by the Comintern is a vital proof of how little the German Government
thinks of isolating itself and how little we feel ourselves actually isolated.
Furthermore, I have on several ocassions [sic] declared that it is our
wish and hope to arrive at good cordial relations with all our neighbors.
Germany has steadily given its assurance, and I solemnly repeat this
assurance here, that between ourselves and France, for example, there
are no grounds for quarrel that are humanly thinkable. Furthermore, the
German Government has assured Belgium and Holland that it is ready to
recognize and guarantee these States as neutral regions in perpetuity.
In view of the declarations which we have made in the past and in view
of the existing state of affairs, I cannot quite clearly see why Germany
should consider herself isolated or why we should pursue a policy of isolation.
From the economic standpoint there are no grounds for asserting that Germany
is withdrawing from international cooperation. The contrary is the truth.
On looking over the speeches which several statesmen have made within
the last few months, I find that they might easily give rise to the impression
that the whole world is waiting to shower economic favors on Germany but
that we, who are represented as obstinately clinging to a policy of isolation,
do not wish to partake of those favors To place this whole matter in its
true light, I should like to call attention to the following bare facts:
(1) For many years the German people have been trying to make better
commercial treaties with their neighbors. and thus to bring about a more
active exchange of goods. And these efforts have not been in vain; for,
as a matter of fact, German foreign trade has increased since 1932, both
in volume and in value. This is the clearest refutation of the assertion
that Germany is pursuing a policy of economic isolation.
(2) I do not believe however that there can be a lasting economic
collaboration among the nations on any other basis than that
of a mutual exchange of commercial wares and industrial products.
Credit manipulation may perhaps have a temporary effect, but
in the long run economic international relations will be decisively
influenced by the volume of mutual exchange of goods. And here
the state of affairs at the present moment is not such that the
outside world would be able to place huge orders with us or offer
prospects of an increase in the exchange of goods even if we
were to fulfil the most extraordinary conditions that they might
lay down. Matters should not be made more complicated than they
already are. If international commerce be sick, that is not due
to Germanyís refusal to assist it, but is due to the fact that
disorder has invaded the industrial life of the various nations
and has influenced their relations with one another. But Germany
cannot be blamed for these two things, and especially not National
Socialist Germany. When we assumed power the world economic crisis
was worse than it is today.
I fear however that I must interpret Mr. Edenís words as meaning
that in the carrying out of the four years plan he sees an element
of refusal on Germanyís side to participate in international
collaboration. Therefore I wish it to be clearly understood that
our decision to carry out this plan is unalterable. The reasons
which led to that decision were inexorable. And since then I
have not been able to discover anything whatsoever that might
induce us to discontinue the four years plan.
I shall take only one practical example: In carrying out the
four years plan our synthetic production of rubber and petrol
will necessitate an annual increase in our consumption of coal
by a margin of something between 20 and 30 million tons. This
means that an extra quota of thousands of coal miners are assured
of employment for the rest of their active lives. I must really
take the liberty of asking this question: Supposing we abondon
[sic] the German four years plan, then what statesman can guarantee
me some economic equivalent or other, outside of the Reich, for
these thirty million tons of coal?
I want bread and work for my people. And certainly I do not wish to have
it through the operation of credit guarantees, but through solid and permanent
lab our, the products of which I can either exchange for foreign goods
or for domestic goods in our internal commercial circulation.
If by some manipulation or other Germany were to throw these 20 or 30
million tons of coal annually on the international market for the future,
the result would be that the coal exports of other countries would have
to decrease. I do not know if a British statesman, for example, could
face such a contingency without realizing how serious it would be for
his own nation. And yet that is the state of affairs.
Germany has an enormous number of men who not only want to work but also
to eat. And the standard of living among our people is high. I cannot
build the future of the German nation on the assurances of a foreign statesman
or on any international help, but only on the real basis of a steady production,
for which I must find a market at home or abroad. Perhaps my skepticism
in these matters leads me to differ from the British Foreign Secretary
in regard to the optimistic tone of his statements.
I mean here that if Europe does not awaken to the danger of
the Bolshevic infection, then I fear that international commerce
will not increase but decrease, despite all the good intentions
of individual statesmen. For this commerce is based not only
on the undisturbed and guaranteed stability of production in
one individual nation but also on the production of all the nations
together. One of the first things which is clear in this matter
is that every Bolshevic disturbance must necessarily lead to
a more or less permanent destruction of orderly production. Therefore
my opinion about the future of Europe is, I am sorry to say,
not so optimistic as Mr. Edenís. I am the responsible leader
of the German people and must safeguard its interests in this
world as well as I can. And therefore I am bound to judge things
objectively as I see them.
I should not be acquitted before the bar of our history if
I neglected somethingno matter on what groundswhich is necessary
to maintain the existence of this people. I am pleased, and we
are all pleased, at every increase that takes place in our foreign
trade. But in view of the obscure political situation I shall
not neglect anything that is necessary to guarantee the existence
of the German people, although other nations may become the victims
of the Bolshevic infection. And I must also repudiate the suggestion
that this view is the outcome of mere fancy. For the following
is certainly true: The British Foreign Secretary opens out theoretical
prospects of existence to us, whereas in reality what is happening
is totally different. The revolutionizing of Spain, for instance,
has driven out 15.000 Germans from that country and has seriously
injured our trade. Should this revolutionizing of Spain spread
to other European countries then these damages would not be lessened
I also am a responsible statesman and I must take such possibilities
into account. Therefore it is my unalterable determination so to organize
German lab our that it will guarantee the maintenance of my people. Mr.
Eden may rest assured that we shall utilize every possibility offered
us of strengthening our economic relations with other nations, but also
that we shall avail ourselves of every possibility to improve and enrich
the circulation of our own internal trade.
I must ask also whether the grounds for assuming that Germany
is pursuing a policy of isolation are to be found in the fact
that we have left he League of Nations. If such be the grounds,
then I would point out that the Geneva League has never been
a real League of peoples. A number of great nations do not belong
to it or have left it. And nobody has on this account asserted
that they were following a policy of isolation.
I think therefore that on this point Mr. Eden misunderstands our intentions
and views. For nothing is farther from our wishes than to break off or
weaken our political or economic relations with other nations. The contrary
is the truth. I have already tried to contribute towards bringing about
a good understanding in Europe and I have often given, especially to the
British people and their Government, assurance of how ardently we wish
for a sincere and cordial cooperation with them. I admit that on one point
there is a wide difference between the views of the British Foreign Secretary
and our views; and here it seems to me that this is a gap which cannot
be filled up.
Mr. Eden declares that under no circumstances does the British
Government wish to see Europe torn into two halves. Unfortunately,
this desire for unity has not hitherto been declared or listened
to. And now the desire is an illusion. For the fact is that the
division into two halves, not only of Europe but also of the
whole world, is an accomplished fact.
It is to be regretted that the British Government did not
adopt its present attitude at an earlier date, that under all
circumstances a division of Europe must be avoided; for then
the Treaty of Versailles would not have been entered into. This
Treaty brought in the first division of Europe, namely a division
of the nations into victors on the one side and vanquished on
the other, the latter nations being outlawed. Through this division
of Europe nobody suffered more than the German people. That this
division was wiped out, so far as concerns Germany, is essentially
due to the National Socialist Revolution and this brings some
credit to myself.
The second division has been brought about by the proclamation
of the Bolshevic doctrine, an integral feature of which is that
they do not confine it to one nation but try to impose it on
all the nations.
Here it is not a question of a special form of national life
in Russia but of the Bolshevic demand for a world revolution.
If Mr. Eden does not look at Bolshevism as we look at it, that
may have something to do with the position of Great Britain and
also with some happenings that are unknown to us. But I believe
that nobody will question the sincerity of our opinions on this
matter, for they are not based merely on abstract theory. For
Mr. Eden Bolshevism is perhaps a thing which has its seat in
Moscow, but for us in Germany this Bolshevism is a pestilence
against which we have had to struggle at the cost of much bloodshed.
It is a pestilence which tried to turn our country into the same
kind of desert as is now the case in Spain; for the habit of
murdering hostages began here, in the form in which we now see
it in Spain. National Socialism did not try to come to grips
with Bolshevism in Russia, but the Jewish international Bolshevics
in Moscow have tried to introduce their system into Germany and
are still trying to do so. Against this attempt we have waged
a bitter struggle, not only in defence of our own civilization
but in defence of European civilization as a whole.
In January and February of the year 1933, when the last decisive
struggle against this barbarism was being fought out in Germany,
had Germany been defeated in that struggle and had the Bolshevic
field of destruction and death extended over Central Europe,
then perhaps a different opinion would have arisen on the banks
of the Thames as to the nature of this terrible menace to humanity.
For since it is said that England must be defended on the frontier
of the Rhine she would then have found herself in close contact
with that harmless democratic world of Moscow, whose innocence
they are always trying to impress upon us. Here I should like
to state the following once again:
The teaching of Bolshevism is that there must be a world revolution,
which would mean world-destruction. If such a doctrine were accepted
and given equal rights with other teachings in Europe, this would
mean that Europe would be delivered over to it. If other nations
want to be on good terms with this peril, that does not affect
Germanyís position. As far as Germany itself is concerned, let
there be no doubts on the following points:
(1) We look on Bolshevism as a world peril for which there
must be no toleration.
(2) We use every means in our power to keep this peril away
from our people.
(3) And we are trying to make the German people immune to
this peril as far as possible.
It is in accordance with this attitude of ours that we should avoid close
contact with the carriers of these poisonous bacilli. And that is also
the reason why we do not want to have any closer relations with them beyond
the necessary political and commercial relations; for if we went beyond
these we might thereby run the risk of closing the eyes of our people
to the danger itself.
I consider Bolshevism the most malignant poison that can be given to
a people. And therefore I do not want my own people to come into contact
with this teaching. As a citizen of this nation I myself shall not do
what I should have to condemn my fellow-citizens for doing. I demand from
every German workman that he shall not have any relations with these international
mischief-makers and he shall never see me clinking glasses or rubbing
shoulders with them. Moreover, any further treaty connections with the
present Bolshevic Russia would be completely worthless for us. It is out
of the question to think that National Socialist Germany should ever be
bound to protect Bolshevism or that we, on our side, should ever agree
to accept the assistance of a Bolshevic State. For I fear that the moment
any nation should agree to accept such assistance, it would thereby seal
its own doom.
I must also say here that I do not accept the opinion which
holds that in the moment of peril the League of nations could
come to the rescue of the member States and hold them up by the
arms, as it were. No, I don’t believe that. Mr. Eden stated in
his last address that deeds and not speeches are what matters.
On that point I should like to call attention to the fact that
up to now the outstanding feature of the League of Nations has
been talk rather than action.
There was one exception and in that case it would probably
have been better to have been content with talk. In this one
case, as might have been foreseen, action was fruitless.
Hence, just as I have been forced by economic circumstances
to depend on our own resources principally for the maintenance
of my people, so also I have been forced in the political sphere.
And we ourselves are not to blame for that.
Three times I have made concrete offers for armament restriction
or at least armament limitation. These offers were rejected.
In this connection I may recall the fact that the greatest offer
which I then made was that Germany and France together should
reduce their standing armies to 300,000 men; that Germany, Great
Britain and France, should bring down their air force to parity
and that Germany and Great Britain should conclude a naval agreement.
Only the last offer was accepted and it was the only contribution
in the world to a real limitation of armaments.
The other German proposals were either flatly refused or were
answered by the conclusion of those alliances which gave Central
Europe to Soviet Russia as the field of play for its gigantic
forces. Mr. Eden speaks of German armaments and expects a limitation
of these armaments. We ourselves proposed this limitation long
ago. But it had no effect because, instead of accepting our proposal,
treaties were made whereby the greatest military power in the
world was, according to the terms of the treaties and in fact,
introduced into Central Europe. In speaking of armaments it would
be well to mention in the first instance the armaments possessed
by that Power which sets the standard for the armaments of all
Mr. Eden believes that in the future all States should possess only the
armament which is necessary for their de fence. I do not know whether
and how far Mr. Eden has sounded Moscow on the question of carrying that
excellent idea into effect, and I do not know what assurances they have
given from that quarter. I think however that I ought to put forward one
point in this connection. It is quite clear that the measure of a countryís
defensive armament should be in proportion to the dangers which threaten
that country. Each nation has the right to judge this for itself, and
it alone has the right. If therefore Great Britain today decides for herself
on the extent of her armaments everybody in Germany will understand her
action; for we can only think of London alone as being competent to decide
on what is necessary for the protection of the British Empire. On the
other hand I should like to insist that the estimate of our protective
needs, and thus of the armament that is necessary for the de fence of
our people, is within our own competency and can be decided only in Berlin.
I believe that the general recognition of these principles
will not render conditions more difficult but will help to release
tension. Anyhow Germany is pleased at having found friends in
Italy and Japan who hold the same views as ourselves and we should
be still more pleased if these convictions were widespread in
Europe. Therefore nobody welcomed more cordially than we did
the manifest lessening of tension in the Mediterranean, brought
about by the Anglo-Italian agreement. We believe that this will
first of all lead to an understanding which may put a stop to,
or at least limit, the catastrophe from which poor Spain is suffering.
Germany has no interests in that country except the care of those
commercial relations which Mr. Eden himself declares to be so
important and useful. An attempt has been made to connect Germanyís
sympathy for Nationalist Spain with some sort of colonial claims
against countries which have taken no colonies from her. Our
sympathies with General Franco and his Government are in the
first place of a general nature and, secondly, they arise from
a hope that the consolidation of a real National Spain may lead
to a strengthening of economic possibilities in Europe. We are
ready to do everything which in any way may contribute towards
the restoration of order in Spain.
But I think that the following considerations should not be
left out of account:
During the last hundred years a number of new nations have
been created in Europe which formerly, because of their disunion
and weakness, were of only small economic importance and of no
political importance at all. Through the establishment of these
new States new tensions have naturally arisen. True statesmanship
however must face realities and not shirk them. The Italian nation
and the new Italian State are realities. The German nation and
the German Reich are likewise realities. And for my my own fellow
citizens I should like to state that the Polish nation and the
Polish State have also become realities. Also in the Balkans
nations have reawakened and have built their own States. The
people who belong to those States want to live and they will
live. The unreasonable division of the world into nations that
have and nations that have not will not remove or solve that
problem, no more than the internal social problems of the nations
can be simply solved through more or less clever phrases.
For thousands of years the nations asserted their vital claims
by the use of power. If in our time some other institution is
to take the place of this power for the purpose or regulating
relations between the peoples, then it must take account of natural
vital claims and decide accordingly. It is the task of the
League of Nations only to guarantee the existing state of the
world and to safeguard it for all time, then we might just as
well entrust it with the task of regulating the ebb and flow
of the tides or directing the Gulf Stream into a definite course
for the future.
But the League of Nations will not be able to do the one or the other.
The continuance of its existence will in the long run depend on the extent
to which it realize that the necessary reforms which concern international
relations must be carefully considered and put into practice.
The German people once built up a colonial Empire without
robbing anyone and without violating any treaty. And they did
so without any war. That colonial Empire was taken away from
us. And the grounds on which it was sought to excuse this act
are not tenable.
First: It was said that the natives did not want to belong
to Germany. Who asked them if they wished to belong to some other
Power? And when were these natives ever asked if they had been
contented with the Power that formerly ruled them?
Second: It is stated that the colonies were not administered
properly by the Germans.
Now, Germany had these colonies only for a few decades. Great
sacrifices were made in building them up and they were in a process
of development which would have led to quite different
results than in 1914. But anyhow the colonies had been so developed
by us that other people considered it worth while to engage in
a sanguinary struggle for the purpose of taking them from us.
Third: It is said that they are of no real value.
If that is the case then they can be of no value to other
States also. And so it is difficult to see why they keep them.
Moreover, Germany has never demanded colonies for military
purposes, but exclusively for economic purposes. It is obvious
that in times of general prosperity the value of certain territories
may decrease, but it is just as evident that in times of distress
such value increases. Today Germany lives in a time of difficult
struggle for foodstuffs and raw materials. Sufficient imports
are conceivable only if there be a continued and lasting increase
in our exports. Therefore, as a matter of course, our demand
for colonies for our densely populated country will be put forward
again and again.
In concluding my remarks on this subject I should like to
note a few points concerning the possible ways which may lead
to a general pacification of Europe, which might also be extended
(1) It is in the interests of all nations that the individual
countries shall possess internally stable and orderly political
and economic conditions. They are the most important conditions
for lasting and solid economic and political relations between
(2) The vital interests of the different peoples must be frankly recognized
Mutual respect for these vital interests alone can lead to the appeasement
of the essential needs of the nations.
(3) The League of Nations, to be effective, must be reformed,
and must become an organ of the evolutionary concept, and must
not remain an organ of inactivity.
(4) The relations of the people towards one another can only
be regulated and solved on a basis of mutual respect and absolute
(5) It is impossible to make one nation or another responsible
for armaments or for limitation of armaments, but it is necessary
to see this problem as it really is.
(6) It is impossible to maintain peace among the nations so
long as an international irresponsible clique can continue their
A few weeks ago we saw how an organized band of international war mongers
spread a mass of lies which almost succeeded in raising mistrust between
two nations and might easily have led to worse consequences than actually
I greatly regret that the British Foreign Secretary did not
categorically state that there was not one word of truth in those
calumnies about Morocco which had been spread by these international
war mongers. Thanks to the loyalty of a foreign diplomat and
his Government, it was possible to clear up this extraordinary
situation immediately. Supposing another case arose in which
it turned out impossible to establish the truth so readily, what
then would happen?
(7) It has been proved that European problems can be solved properly
only within certain limits. Germany is hoping to have close and friendly
relations with Italy. May we succeed in paving the way for such relations
with other European countries. The German Reich will watch over its security
and honor with its strong army. On the other hand, convinced that there
can be no greater treasure for Europe than peace, it will always be a
reasonable supporter of those European ideals of peace and will be always
conscious of its responsibilities.
(8) It will be profitable to European peace as a whole if mutual consideration
be always shown for the justified feeling of national honor our among those
nationalities who are forced to live as a minority within other nations.
This would lead to a decisive lessening of tension between
the nations who are forced to live side by side, and whose State
frontiers are not identical with the ethnical frontiers.
In concluding these remarks I should like to deal with the
document which the British Government addressed to the German
Government on the occasion of the occupation of the Rhineland.
I should like first to state that we believe and are convinced
that the British Government at that time did everything to avoid
an increase of tension in the European crisis, and that the document
in question owes its origin entirely to the desire to make a
contribution towards disentangling the situation of those days.
Nevertheless, it was not possible for the German Government,
for reasons which the Government of Great Britain will appreciate,
to reply to those questions.
We preferred to settle some of those questions in the most natural way
by the practical building up of our relations with our neighbors.; and
I should like to state that, complete German sovereignty and equality
having now been restored, Germany will never sign a treaty which is in
any way incompatible with her honor; with the honor of the nation
and of the Government which represents it; or which otherwise is incompatible
with Germanyís vital interests and therefore in the long run cannot be
I believe that this statement will be understood by all. Moreover,
with all my heart I hope that the intelligence and goodwill of
responsible European Governments will succeed, despite all opposition,
in preserving peace for Europe. Peace is our dearest treasure.
Whatever contributions Germany can make towards preserving
it, these she will make.
Before concluding my address today I should like to give a
short sketch of the tasks that lie ahead of us.
In the carrying out of the Four Years Plan lies our first task. It will
call for gigantic efforts but eventually it will turn out a great blessing
for our people. Its purpose is to strengthen our national economic system
in all its branches. The execution of it is guaranteed. All those great
works which have been started apart from this plan will be continued.
Their purpose is to promote the health of the nation and make life more
pleasant. Building extensions will be systematically carried out in some
of our large cities, as an externalization of the spirit that actuates
this great plan. And that order will be based on such spacious plans as
will be worthy of the National Socialist Movement and also of the German
metropolis. We have allotted a period of twenty years for the carrying
out of this plan.
May the Almighty God grant us a time of peace in which to bring this
gigantic work to completion. Parallel therewith, the Capital of the Movement
(Munich), the Party Metropolis (Nuremberg), and the Free City of Hamburg
will be remodeled and extended on large lines.
But this work will only be the counterpart of a general cultural
development which we wish to see taking place in Germany, as
the crowning achievement to the restoration of our internal and
And, finally, it will be one of our future tasks to give the
German people a Constitution which will be in harmony with the
real life of our people, as that life has developed politically.
This Constitution will place its seal on this life for all time
to come and will be an imperishable and fundamental law for all
As I look back on the great work that has been done during the past four
years you will understand quite well that my first feeling is simply one
of thankfulness to our Almighty God for having allowed me to bring this
work to success. He has blessed our lab ours and has enabled our people
to come through all the obstacles which encompassed them on their way.
I have had three extraordinary friends in my life. In my youth it was
Poverty, which was my companion for many years. When the Great War came
to a close it was the profound anguish that I felt over the downfall of
our people. This anguish seized me and determined the path I had to follow.
Since January 30th. four years ago I have made the acquaintance of the
third friend anxiety for the people and the Reich, which have been
entrusted to my guidance. From that time this anxiety has never left my
side and will probably remain a faithful companion until the end of my
days. But how could a man bear the burden of this anxiety were it not
for the faith he has in his mission and which enables him to trust that
He who is above us all sanctions my work. Destiny has often decreed that
men who have a special mission to fulfil must be lonely and deserted.
But here I wish to return thanks to Providence for having given me a group
of faithful comrades who linked their lives with mine and have ever since
fought at my side for the resurrection of our people. It is a great happiness
for me that I did not have to walk among the German people as a man alone,
but that at my side there was always a group of men whose names will endure
in the history of Germany.
At this point I wish to thank my old fighting comrades who have stood
by my side throughout all these years and who give me their help today
either as Cabinet Ministers, Reichsstatthalter, Gauleiter, or in other
positions under the Party or the State. During these days a tragedy is
being enacted in Moscow which shows how highly we ought to value that
loyalty which binds the leaders of a nation to one another. I further
wish to express my sincere gratitude to all those who did not belong to
the ranks of the Party but who in these recent years have been loyal assistants
and comrades in governmental work and in other work for the nation. All
of them belong to us, even though they may not wear the external insignia
of our party community. I thank all those men and women who have assisted
in building up our party organizations and working in them with success.
But above all I have to thank the chiefs of our armed forces. They have
enabled us to provide the National Socialist State with a National Socialist
defence force, without placing any difficulties whatsoever in the way.
Thus the Party and the defence forces are now the guarantors sworn to
devote themselves to the preservation of our national existence.
But we know that all our efforts would have been in vain if we did not
have the loyal cooperation of hundreds of thousands of political leaders,
innumerable officials and countless soldiers and officers, who did their
work under the inspiration of the ideal of our national resurgence. And
above all we must acknowledge that our success could not have been attained
if we were not backed up by the united front of the whole people.
On this historic occasion I must once again thank all those millions
of unknown Germans, from every class and caste, profession and trade
and from all the farmsteads, who have given their hearts, their lives
and their sacrifices, for the new Reich. And all of us, gentlemen and
members of the Reichstag, hereby join together in tendering our thanks
to the women of Germany, to the millions of those German mothers who
have given their children to the Third Reich. During these four years
every mother who has presented a child to the nation has contributed
by her pain and her joy to the happiness of the whole people. When I
think of that healthy youth which belongs to our nation, then my faith
in the future becomes a joyful certainty. And it is with a profund
[sic] feeling that I realize the significance of the simple word which
Ulrich von Huten wrote when he picked up his pen for the last time Deutschland.
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