Background: This is to my mind one of Goebbels’ most
interesting speeches. It was given on 9 January 1928 to an audience
of party members at the so-called “Hochschule für Politik,”
a series of training talks for party members in Berlin. It is
Goebbels’ most extended discussion of the nature of propaganda,
all the more interesting because of its early date.
The source: “Erkenntnis und Propaganda,” Signale
der neuen Zeit. 25 ausgewählte Reden von Dr. Joseph Goebbels (Munich:
Zentralverlag der NSDAP., 1934), pp. 28-52.
Knowledge and Propaganda
by Joseph Goebbels
My dear fellow party members!
Our topic this evening is hotly disputed. I realize that my viewpoint
is subjective. There is really little point to discussing propaganda.
It is a matter of practice, not of theory. One cannot determine theoretically
whether one propaganda is better than another. Rather, that propaganda
is good that has the desired results, and that propaganda is bad that
does not lead to the desired results. It does not matter how clever it
is, for the task of propaganda is not to be clever, its task is to lead
to success. I therefore avoid theoretical discussions about propaganda,
for there is no point to it. Propaganda shows that it is good if over
a certain period it can win over and fire up people for an idea. If it
fails to do so, it is bad propaganda. If propaganda wins the people it
wanted to win, it was presumably good, and if not, it was presumably bad.
No one can say that your propaganda is too crude or low or brutal, or
that it is not decent enough, for those are not the relevant criteria.
Its purpose is not to be decent, or gentle, or weak, or modest; it is
to be successful. That is why I have intentionally chosen to discuss propaganda
along with a second theme, knowledge. Otherwise, our discussion this evening
would be of little value. We have not gathered to discuss lovely theories,
but rather to find ways of practically working together to deal with our
What is propaganda, and what role does it have in political
life? That is the question of greatest interest to us. How should
propaganda look, and what is its role in our movement? Is it
an end in itself, or only a means to an end? We must discuss
that, but we can do that only when we begin with the origin of
propaganda itself, namely the idea, then move to the target of
propaganda, namely people.
Ideas in themselves are timeless. They are not tied to individuals,
much less to a people. They rest in a people, it is true, and
affect their attitudes. Ideas, people say, are in the clouds.
When someone comes along who can put in words what everyone feels
in their hearts, each feels: “Yes! That is what I have always
wanted and hoped for.” That is what happens the first time
one hears one of Hitlerís major speeches. I have met people who
had attended a Hitler meeting for the first time, and at the
end they said: “This man put in words everything I have
been searching for for years. For the first time, someone gave
form to what I want.” Others are lost in confusion, but
suddenly someone stands up and puts it in words. Goetheís words
become reality: “Lost in silent misery, God gave someone
to express my suffering.”
Some kind of idea is at the beginning of every political movement. It
is not necessary to put this idea in a thick book, nor that it take political
form in a hundred long paragraphs. History proves that the greatest world
movements have always developed when their leaders knew how to unify their
followers under a short, clear theme. That is clear from the French Revolution,
or Cromwellís movement, or Buddhism, Islam, or Christianity. Christís
goal was clear and simple: “Love your neighbor as yourself.”
He gathered his followers behind that straightforward statement. Because
this teaching was simple, crisp, clear, and understandable, enabling the
broad masses to stand behind it, it in the end conquered the world.
One then builds a whole system of thought on such a brief, crisply formulated
idea. The idea does not remain limited to this single statement, rather
it is applied to every aspect of daily life and becomes the guide for
all human activity politics, culture, the economy, every area of
human behavior. It becomes a worldview. We see that in all great revolutionary
movements, which begin with a clear, crisp, understandable, all-encompassing
idea. They spread more and more and become a mirror of life that reflects
all activities of the peoples, and indeed in a particular way.
Then one can say that a person has a worldviewnot because
he knows a lot or has read a lotbut because he sees all of
life from a certain standpoint, and measures everything by a
certain standard. I am a Christian when I believe that the meaning
of my life is the heavy responsibility to love my neighbor as
myself. Kant once said: “Act as if the principle of your
life could be the principle for your entire nation.” I am
a National Socialist not when I want this or that from politics,
rather when I consider all aspects of daily life. I must act
in all things by putting the good of the whole above my personal
good, by putting the good of the state above my personal good.
But then I also have the guarantee that such a state will be
able to protect my personal life. I am a National Socialist when
I see everything in politics, culture or the economy from this
standpoint. I therefore do not evaluate the theater from the
standpoint of whether it is elegant or amusing, rather I ask:
Is it good for my people, is it useful for them, does it strengthen
the community? If so, the community in turn can benefit, support
and strengthen me. I do not see the economy as some sort of way
of making money, rather I want an economy that will strengthen
the people, make them healthy and powerful. Then too I can expect
that this people will support and maintain me. If I see things
in this way, I see the economy in National Socialist terms.
If I develop this crisp, clear idea into a system of thought
that includes all human drives, wishes, and actions, I have a
As an idea develops into a worldview, the goal is the state.
Knowledge does not remain the property of a certain group,
but fights for power. It is not just the fantasy of a few people
among the people, rather it becomes the idea of the rulers, the
circles that have power. The view does not only preach, but it
is carried out in practice. Then the idea becomes the worldview
of the state. The worldview has become a government organism
when it seizes power and can influence life not only in theory,
but in practical everyday life.
Now we must consider who is the carrier, the transmitter,
the guardian of such ideas. An idea always lives in individuals.
It seeks an individual to transmit its great intellectual force.
It becomes alive in a brain, and seeks escape through the mouth.
The idea is preached by individuals, individuals who will never
be satisfied to have the knowledge remain theirs alone. You know
that from experience. When one knows something one does not keep
it hidden like a buried treasure, but rather one seeks to tell others.
One looks for people who should know it. One feels that everyone
else should know as well, for one feels alone when no one else knows.
For example, if I see a beautiful painting in an art gallery,
I have the need to tell others. I meet a good friend and say
to him: “I have found a wonderful picture. I have to show
it to you.” The same is true of ideas. If an idea lives
in an individual, he has the urge to tell others. There is some
mysterious force in us that drives us to tell others. The greater
and simpler the idea is, the more it relates to daily life, the
more one has the desire to tell everyone about it.
If I believe that the nation must be governed by the principle
that the common good comes before the individual good, I will
tell it to those to whom it applies. As soon as I realize that
this principle is not only of a transcendental nature, but that
it applies to daily life, I have the need to tell it to those
in the economic world. And if I see it applies to culture as
well, I have the need to tell it to those people involved in
cultural activities. The great masses will never be won simply
by such a sentence; it must cast its shadow over all areas of
You see how an idea spreads and becomes a worldview, and how
the bearer, the individual, reaches out to form a community,
and how an organization, then a movement grows from the individual.
The idea is no longer buried in the heart and mind of an individual.
Now there are four, five, ten, twenty, thirty, fifty, eighty,
a hundred, and ever more. That is the secret of ideas; they are
like a wildfire that cannot be restrained. They are like a gas
that seeps through everything. Where an idea finds entry, it
enters, and soon that person is influencing others. The others
cannot stop it. They may believe they can stop the fire by force.
They may even be able to do so for two, or ten, twenty, or fifty
years. But that is not significant in the larger course of world
history. It is irrelevant if something happens today or tomorrow,
or even years in the future.
It is possible to slow an idea by force for a certain period
of time. In reality, however, that advances the idea, for force
drives out that which is weak. The elements that do not really
belong collapse. Suddenly, the individual becomes a community,
a movement, or if you prefer, a party.
Each movement begins as a party. That does not mean it has
to follow the methods of parliamentary parties. We see a party
as a part of the people. As an idea spreads, becoming a worldview
that spreads to the community, the community will want to give
the idea practical form. The party will feel the necessity to
organize. Someone will suddenly have the idea: “You think
the way I think. You are working over there, I am working here,
and we know nothing of each other. That is absurd. It would be
better if we worked together, if I did my part and you did yours.
Would it not be good if we met every month and talked?”
That is an organization. Gradually, a strong organism develops,
a party ready to fight for its ideals. A party that does not
want that will indeed continue to preach its ideals, but will
never bring them into reality.
A recent example may help. Our movement is often accused of losing its
character as a movement. We are accused of taking the vast, broad and
ever-moving system of thought of the völkisch movement and
forcing it into a Procrustean bed. We supposedly had to chop of the legs
of the movement that stuck out, eliminating important parts of the völkisch
idea. National Socialism is only a surrogate for the real movement, some
say. In fact, the völkisch movement ran aground on this matter.
Each declares his own particular interest central to the völkisch
movement, and accuses anyone who does not share his views as being a traitor
to the cause. That is the way the völkisch movement was before
the war. If someone had been able to take this great idea and the
völkisch idea was greater than the Marxist idea and
develop out of it a tightly disciplined political organization, then the
völkisch idea, not the Marxist idea, would have won on 9 November
. Marxism won because it had
a better understanding of political conditions, because it had forged
the sword it would later use to conquer the state. If a völkisch
organizer had understood how to form a great movement it is a question
of life or death for our nation the völkisch idea,
not Marxism, would have won, It was a worldview, but it did not understand
how to form a party and how to forge the sharp sword that would have enabled
it to conquer the state.
The state needs a worldview. Christianity also conquered the state, and
in the moment that it conquered the state it began to carry out practical
political activity. You can with justice claim: “Yes, but at the
moment Christianity took over the state, it began to cease being Christian.”
That is the tragedy of all great ideas. At the moment they enter the realm
of this life of sin, of the all-too-human, they leave the heavens and
lose their romantic magic. They become something normal. We are not discussing
whether or not one can change the nature of life. Things have gone on
this way for millions of years, and will go on in the same way for millions
more. You will have to ask a higher power why that is so. At the moment
an idea takes practical form, it loses its angelís wings, its romantic
mystery. If someone had had the courage to strip the völkisch
idea of its romantic mystery, if one had taken account of the hard facts,
it would not look as romantic today as it does to some dreamers. But it
would have kept millions of German children from starving. For me, it
is more important that a nation lives than that an idea remains as pure
as possible in the heads of a few dreamers.
You can see that a movement needs an organization if it is to conquer
the state and it must conquer the state if it wants to do something
of positive and historic significance. I have often met the kind of wandering
apostle who says: “Well, everything you are doing is fine, but you
really must also take a stand against foreign words in the German language.”
And another comes along who says: “Well, everything you say is good,
but you must have a point in your program that says allopathy is dangerous,
and you must support homeopathy.” If the movement were led by such
apostles, the Jew would end up in charge. The Jew would find something
new every day until nothing was left. It is not the task of a revolutionary
fighting movement to settle the dispute between allopathy and homeopathy,
rather its task is to take power. The movement must have a program such
that every honest fighter can stand behind it. Now, it is certainly true
that the modern German cultural establishment produces every manner of
nonsense. I know that this nonsense is poisoning the German national soul.
There are those who say: “Something has to happen. You have to do
something. If you want to fight the movie industry, you must build your
own theater, even if it at first has only the most primitive equipment.
And if you see that the children are being poisoned by what they read
in school, you must begin to win childrenís souls and give them the antidote.”
My reply is simple: You can spend ten years giving the antidote to the
poison that is produced by a badly led cultural establishment, but a single
decree from the Ministry of Culture can destroy all your work. If you
had spent that ten years winning fighters for the movement, the movement
would have conquered the Ministry of Culture! Everything else is mere
If a movement wins political power, it can do those positive things it
wants to do. Only then does it have the power to protect its accomplishments.
At the moment a movement or party wins control of the state, its worldview
becomes the state and its party becomes the nation. The nation is not
the 60 million people who live in it. That is a confused mixture. One
says yea, the other nay. That is not a nation. A nation is characterized
by consciousness. Instinct alone is not enough. Only when I am aware that
I am a member of the nation, when I am consciously a German, do I belong
to the German people. The Great Elector did not say: “Think and remember
that you are a German.” Rather, he said: “Consider well that
you are a German.” Consideration is at the level of consciousness.
Such consciousness belongs to the entire nation. Adolf Hitler rightly
answered the court in Munich in this way when he was asked: “How
could you think of establishing a dictatorship over sixty million with
such a tiny minority?” His reply: “If an entire nation has become
cowardly, and there are only a thousand left who want something great,
and who have to power to transform the state, then these thousand people
are the nation.” If the others let a minority conquer the state,
then they must also accept the fact that we will establish a dictatorship.
The same is true of a movement. If a movement has the strength
to take over the state, than it has the power to transform the
state. I am the last to complain that the Marxists rule us today.
As long as we do not have the strength to overcome them, they
have the political right to rule us. I am surprised how little
they use that right. I would do things differently. That is their
tragic misunderstanding of their own worldview. I do not complain
that the gentlemen of the Berlin Police use their power against
us, only that they call themselves democrats and claim that they
allow freedom of thought and of speech. That is nonsense. That
is lying hypocrisy, for in truth these gentlemen are dictators.
If a movement has the strength to take over government positions
of power, then it has the right to form the government as it
wishes. Anyone who disagrees is a foolish theoretician. Politics
is governed not by moral principles, but by power. If a movement
conquers the state, it has the right to form the state. You can
see how these three elements combine ideals and personalities.
The idea leads to a worldview, the worldview to the state, the
individual becomes a party, the party becomes the nation.
The important thing is not to find people who agree with me about every
theoretical jot and tittle, but rather that I find people who are willing
to fight with me for a worldview. Winning people over to something that
I have recognized as right, that is what we call propaganda. At first
there is knowledge; it uses propaganda to find the manpower that will
transform knowledge into politics. Propaganda stands between the idea
and the worldview, between the worldview and the state, between the individual
and the party, between the party and the nation. At the moment at which
I recognize something as important and begin speaking about it in the
streetcar, I begin making propaganda. At the same moment, I begin looking
for other people to join me. Propaganda stands between the one and the
many, between the idea and the worldview. Propaganda is nothing other
than the forerunner to organization. Once it has done this, it is the
forerunner to state control. It is always a means to an end.
Although I must hold unshakably and unalterably to the idea, propaganda
adjusts itself to the prevailing conditions. Propaganda is always flexible.
It says different things here than it does there. It cannot be polished,
laminated and stuffed; rather it must occupy the space between the one
and the many. I talk differently on the streetcar with the conductor than
I do with a businessman. If I did not, the businessman would think I was
crazy and the streetcar conductor would not understand me. That means
propaganda cannot be limited. It changes according to whom I am trying
to reach. Let me tell a good story about a party member in Berlin who
since 1919 has promoted the National Socialist idea. At first, he beat
his head bloody against a wall, which we want to avoid. He began by distributing
the wildest anti-Semitic publications on the street. He knew it was bad
stuff, but there was nothing better, so he read these books or newspapers
in the subway. Everyone could see that he was a harmless crank, and when
he stood up and left his newspapers behind, someone regularly would say:
“Sir, take your newspaper along with you.” He would angrily
take his paper and leave it with the conductor, saying: “Here, German
brother.” And the conductor certainly thought he came from the nuthouse.
He gradually realized that the methods that worked with friends and comrades
do not work with strangers.
In other words, there is no ABC of propaganda. One can make propaganda,
or one cannot. Propaganda is an art. Any reasonably normal person can
learn to play the violin to a certain degree, but then his teacher will
say: “This is as far as it goes. Only a genius can learn what remains.
You are not a genius, so be content with what you have learned.”
I can certainly teach any reasonable person the absolute basics of propaganda.
But I will soon recognize the limits. One is either a propagandist, or
one is not. It is wrong to look down on a propagandist. There are people
who say a propagandist is merely a good drummer. This displays a certain
envy and lack of ability. They are mostly mediocre philosophers whom the
masses ignore. You have seen often enough no one can deny it
that our movement has good speakers. Since our opponents do not have good
speakers, they say: “Well, they are only good drummers.” Hitler
was called the “Drummer of National Unity” for five years. When
they realized that this drummer had ideas that didn’t fit into their way
of thinking, he was suddenly a “crazy politician” who had to
be dealt with. It is foolish to look down on propagandists. The propagandist
has a certain role within the party. It is good for our young movement
that we are young and lacking in really great leaders though naturally
not in comparison to other parties. The great leaders we have cannot stick
to a particular area, but must be able to do everything. They must be
propagandists, organizers, speakers, writers, etc. They must be able to
get along with people, find money, write articles, and a lot more. That
is why it is wrong to say that Hitler is merely a drummer. That is what
is great about him, and what separates him from everyone else. He is a
politician, and also a propagandist, while the leaders of other parties
understand neither politics nor propaganda. You can see how propaganda
relates to the worldview and to the organization. After we have finished
the hard work of moving the idea and the worldview from the individuals
to the masses, propaganda has the task of taking the knowledge of the
mass and enabling it to take over the state.
Let me give an example.
What good would it do if everything we know to be right stayed in our
few heads! The few would doubt the rightness of the idea, since they would
see that no one was joining them. And if we did not have the people
from the lowliest S.A. man who distributes newspapers to the best speaker,
or the leader of the party, all our lovely knowledge would be useless,
for only we would know it. The others would continue their nonsense, and
the German people in the end would perish.
Propaganda is absolutely necessary, even if it is only a means
to an end. Otherwise, the idea could never take over the state.
I must be able to get what I think important across to many people.
The task of a gifted propagandist is to take that which many
have thought and put it in a way that reaches everyone from the
educated to the common man. You will all grant me this, and as
further evidence I can recall a Hitler speech in Jena. Half the
audience were Marxists, half students and university professors.
I had a burning desire to speak with both elements afterwards.
I could see that the university professor and the average man
had understood what Hitler said. That is the greatness of our
movement, that it can use language to reach the broad masses.
Of course, the style will vary according to the speaker. It
would be a big mistake to expect everyone to treat the idea in
the same way, for as great as it is, so different are the individuals
who are to be reached by it. You will surely hear some people
say that they like one speaker, while others prefer another.
It would be a mistake to try to make the soft-spoken speaker
into a thundering orator, or a thundering orator into a soft-spoken
chap. Neither would accomplish anything. The soft-spoken speaker
would never reach the heart no matter how hard he tried, nor
would the thundering orator succeed in speaking quietly. Everyone
would go home dissatisfied. The bigger our movement gets, the
more kinds of people it can house, and each will reflect the
movement a little differently. No two things in Godís world are
alike. Everything is a little different. Thus one person reflects
things differently than another.
As propaganda draws an ever-growing following to the idea, the idea broadens,
becomes more flexible. It no longer stays in a few heads, but wants to
include everything. At that moment it becomes a comprehensive program.
We can happily see that that is the case in our movement. You will never
find millions of people willing to die for a book. But millions of people
are willing to die for a gospel, and our movement is becoming more and
more a gospel. All that we have come to know in our individual lives is
joining to form a great faith that lives unshakably in our hearts. Each
of us is willing, if necessary, to give his all for it. No one is willing
to die for the 8-hour day. But people are willing to die so that Germany
will belong to the Germans. What Adolf Hitler prophesied in 1919 is becoming
clearer every day: “Freedom and Prosperity!” The movement is
increasingly freeing itself from the all too human, and becoming a powerful
force. The time is coming when people will not ask us what we think about
the 8-hour day; but rather when Germany is seized with desperation they
will ask: “Can you give us back faith?” If a movement has brought
the idea from the individual to a worldview, building in the end a clear
gospel for which each is ready to die, that movement is near victory.
That does not happen in the study, but rather in battle, in bitter battle
each day with the enemy, bringing him to see how he has led the nation
down the wrong path. I must say that I learn the most from reading the
Berliner Tageblatt [A newspaper hostile to the Nazis]. That is
a fine example of the Jews at work. From the Jewish standpoint, I’ve never
noted a single mistake, whereas the nationalist papers make mistakes all
I now want to outline the essential characteristics of propaganda. We
have already agreed that propaganda is not an end in itself, but a means
to an end. Its task is to spread the knowledge of National Socialism to
the people, or to a part of the people. If propaganda does that, it is
good; if not, it is bad. The German Nationalists claimed that Hitlerís
propaganda before 9 November 1923 was too loud, too noisy, too popular.
Hitler replied: “Munich must become National Socialist. If I achieve
that my propaganda will have been good. If I had wanted to make you happy,
it would have been bad. But that was not my intention.” You cannot
evaluate propaganda in midcourse, but rather you have to wait until it
reaches its makerís goal. You cannot say that our propaganda was wrong
because the government banned it. That is false. Under Jewish police officials,
our propaganda would be wrong if it were not banned, for that means it
would be harmless, The fact that it is banned is the best evidence that
we are dangerous. If the ban is lifted, do not come to me and say that
the Jew has seen the error of his ways. It will be lifted when the Jew
sees that it is not achieving his purpose. You can say what you want.
The Jew will put away his dagger only when he sees that it is better not
to use it against a propaganda method, or when he sees that the dagger
has already done its duty.
Success is the important thing. Propaganda is not a matter for average
minds, but rather a matter for practitioners. It is not supposed to be
lovely or theoretically correct. I do not care if I give wonderful, aesthetically
elegant speeches, or speak so that women cry. The point of a political
speech is to persuade people of what we think right. I speak differently
in the provinces than I do in Berlin, and when I speak in Bayreuth, I
say different things than I say in the Pharus Hall [A
meeting hall the Nazis often used in Berlin]. That is a matter
of practice, not of theory.We do not want to be a movement of a few straw
brains, but rather a movement that can conquer the broad masses. Propaganda
should be popular, not intellectually pleasing. It is not the task of
propaganda to discover intellectual truths. I find them by thinking, or
at my desk, anywhere but in a meeting hall. That is where I transmit them.
I do not enter the meeting hall to discover intellectual truths, but to
persuade others of what I think to be right. I learn methods there that
I can use to reach others with what I have found to be right. The speaker
or propagandist must first understand the idea. He cannot do that in the
middle of making propaganda. He must start with it. Through daily contact
with the masses, he learns how to communicate that idea. It is not the
task of propaganda to discover knowledge, but to transmit knowledge. It
must adjust to those it wishes to reach with that knowledge. The propagandistís
speeches or posters that are aimed at farmers will be different than those
aimed at employers; those aimed at doctors will be different than those
aimed at patients. He will adjust his propaganda to fit those he is speaking
to. You can see that all the critical standards used by other parties
to evaluate propaganda miss the point, and that most complaints about
the NSDAPís propaganda result from a false understanding of propaganda.
If someone tells me: “Your propaganda has no civilized standards,”
I know there is no point in even talking with him.
It makes no difference if propaganda is at a high level. The
question is whether it reached its goal. My first goal when I
came to Berlin was to make the city aware of us. They could love
us or hate us, as long as they knew who we were. We have reached
that goal. We are hated and loved. When someone hears the term
National Socialist, he does not ask: “What is that?”
Once we have reached the first goal, we can work on turning hate
to love and love to hate, but never to indifference. The battle
against indifference is the hardest battle. There may be two
million people in this city who hate my guts, who persecute and
slander me, but I know that I can win over some of them. We know
that from experience. Some of those who persecuted us and fought
most bitterly against us are today our most determined supporters.
You see that the important thing for propaganda is that it reach
its goal, and that it is a mistake to apply critical standards
that are irrelevant.
Let me give another example. If someone asks me what I think
of another person, it is silly for me to say: “I like him,
but he cannot play the piano.” The answer will be: “So
what? He is a corporate lawyer. Why don’t you see if he is good
at what he does?” That is a good answer. And it applies
just as well to propaganda.
Our propaganda follows a clear line. Adolf Hitler once told me that it
is not necessary to give a programmatic speech to a public meeting. The
public meeting requires the most primitive approach. If the fine gentlemen
say: “You are only a propagandist,” the answer is this: “Was
Christ any different? Did he not make propaganda? Did he write books,
or did he preach? Was Mohammed any different? Did he write learned essays,
or did he go to the people and say what he wanted to say? Were not Buddha
and Zarathustra propagandists?” True, the philosophers of the French
Revolution built their intellectual foundations. But who got things moving?
Robespierre, Danton, and the others. Did these men write books, or did
they speak in popular meetings? Look around today. Is Mussolini more an
author or a great speaker? When Lenin took the train from Zurich to Petersburg,
did he repair to his study and write a book, or did he speak to thousands?
Fascism and Bolshevism were built by great speakers, by masters of the
spoken word! There is no difference between the politician and the speaker.
History proves that great politicians were always great speakers: Napoleon,
Caesar, Alexander, Mussolini, Lenin, name whomever you want. They were
all great speakers and great organizers. If a person combines rhetorical
talent, organizational ability, and philosophical ability, if he has the
ability to transmit knowledge and to gather people under his banner, then
he is a brilliant statesman.
If someone tells me today: “You are a demagogue,”
I answer him in this way: “Demagogy in the good sense is
simply the ability to get the masses to understand what I want
them to understand.” Of course, I can adjust to the feelings
of the broad masses, which is demagogy in the bad sense. Then
I change not only the form of what I want to say, but also the
You cannot tell me that things have changed. Formerly, speakers built
movements; today we live in the age of the press, and it is the writers
who are influential. This theory is obviously false. Of course the press
is important. But if you examine well-written editorials, they turn out
to be speeches in disguise. The Marxists did not win through their editorials,
but rather because each Marxist editorial was a little propaganda speech.
They were written by agitators. They sat in their offices or in smoke-filled
bars, writing not elegant, intellectual and polished essays, but rather
brutal, direct words that the average man understood. That is why the
masses devoured the Red press. We must learn from their example. Marxism
did not win because it had great prophets they had none. Marxism
won because its nonsense was promoted by agitators of the ability of August
Bebel and Lenin. They led Marxism to victory. If the völkisch
movement had had such agitators at its disposal, its stronger intellectual
foundations would surely have led it to victory. Some critics complain:
“All you do is criticize! You only complain. You can’t do things
any better yourselves!” Others say that “the Angriff
[Goebbelsís newspaper in Berlin] is
entirely negative. Say something positive for a change.” Well, I
am not in a position to say anything positive about Isidor Weiss [the
Jewish Vice Chief of Police in Berlin, and a regular Goebbels target].
I can only be negative. And there is nothing positive I can say about
the Republic. There is nothing positive about it. I can say something
positive only when I eliminate the negative. The most brilliant statesman
on earth could do nothing with this Republic. And Marxism preached only
the negative for sixty years. The result was that it took over the state
on 9 November 1918. Hitler once said: “Keep those know-it-alls who
always want to do something positive away from me.” We can do something
positive only when we have first gotten rid of the negative. A leader
does not emerge from a conference table. He develops from the masses,
and the more a true leader rises from the masses, the more he draws the
masses to him. The mass is the weak, cowardly, lazy majority of people.
One can never entirely win the broad mass. The best elements from the
mass must be put in a form where they can be victorious. That is the task
of a brilliant mind. We thank fate that it has given us one of these minds,
a mind superior to all others, whom we willingly serve. That is the proof
that we will win. If others find their wisdom in majority rule, but a
movement is led by one person, that movement will win. When it wins is
irrelevant. It will win because that is the way things are. Look around
as much as you want. You will everywhere see our movementís intellectual
The task of the leaders and followers is to drive this knowledge
ever deeper into the hearts of our shattered nation. Each must
make that clear, each must think things through. Everything we
do must be clear. We will never give up. If everything is clear,
one does not have to be an outstanding speaker. If he can say
it all in a few words, he is a propagandist. If we have an army
of such propagandists, from the littlest to the Führer himself,
and if each spreads our crystal-clear knowledge to the masses,
the day will come which our worldview takes over the state, when
our organization seizes the reins of power, when we are no longer
members of a slave colony, but rather citizens of a political state
that we ourselves have formed.
That is our task on this planet: to create the foundation
on which our people can live. When we do that, this nation will
create works of culture that will endure for eons in world history!
[Page copyright © 1999 by Randall Bytwerk.
No unauthorized reproduction. My e-mail address is available on the FAQ
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